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Full text of "The great intendant : a chronicle of Jean Talon in Canada, 1665-1672"

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Edited  by  George  M.  Wrong  and  H.  H.  Langton 
in  thirty-two  volumes 



Part  11 

The  Rise  of  New  France 

From  a  painting  in  the  Versailles  Gallery 


A  Chronicle  of  Jean  Talon  in  Canada 







Copyright  in  all  Countries  subscribing  to 
the  Berne  Convention 






*.  TO  THE  RESCUE  OF  NEW  FRANCE     .          .  I 

Vl\.  NEW  FRANCE  IN  1665            ....  10 


IV.  A  COLONIAL  COLBERT         .           .  38 



0  VI.  TALON  AND  THE  CLERGY  ....  85 

t,'  VII.  TALON'S  EVENTFUL  JOURNEY    ...  98 

^   VIII.  RENEWED  EFFORTS  AND  PROGRESS            .  log 

ft    IX.  TALON'S  ADMINISTRATION  ENDS         .          .  122 


INDEX 133 


LOUIS  XIV Frontispiece 

From  a  painting  in  the  Versailles  Gallery. 

TRIES   Facing  page  l 

Map  by  Bartholomew. 


After  a  painting  in  the  H6tel-Dieu,  Quebec. 

QUEBEC  CITY  IN  TALON'S  TIME  .  „          10 

From  an  old  print. 


From  a  painting  in  Laval  University,  Quebec. 

JEAN  BAPTISTE  COLBERT  .  .  .,,100 

From  an  engraving  in  the  Dominion  Archives. 




WHEN  the  year  1665  began,  the  French  colony^ 
on  the  shores  of  the  St  Lawrence,  founded  by] 
the  valour  and  devotion  of  Champlain,  had  beenj! 
in  existence  for  more  than  half  a  century. 
Yet  it  was  still  in  a  pitiable  state  of  weak- 
ness and  destitution.  The  care  and  mainten- 
ance of  the  settlement  had  devolved  upon 
trading  companies,  and  their  narrow  -  minded 
mercantile  selfishness  had  stifled  its  progress. 
From  other  causes,  also,  there  had  been  but 
little  growth.  Cardinal  Richelieu,  the  great 
French  minister,  had  tried  at  one  time  to  infuse 
new  life  into  the  colony l ;  but  his  first  attempts 
had  been  unlucky,  and  later  on  his  powerful 
mind  was  diverted  to  other  plans  and  achieve- 
ments and  he  became  absorbed  in  the  wider 
field  of  European  politics.  To  the  shackles  of 

1  For  the  earlier  history  of  New  France,  the  reader  is  referred 
to  three  other  volumes  in  this  Series— The  Founder  of  New  France, 
The  Seigneurs  of  Old  Canada,  and  The  Jesuit  Missions. 
G.I.  A 


commercial  greed,  to  forgetfulness  on  the  part 
the  mother  country,  had  been  added  the 
rse  of  Indian  wars.  During  twenty-five 
years  the  daring  and  ferocious  Iroquois  had 
been  the  constant  scourge  of  the  handful 
of  settlers,  traders,  and  missionaries.  Cham- 
plain's  successors  in  the  office  of^  governor, 
Montmagny,  Ailleboust,  Lauzon,  Argenson, 
Avaugour,  had  no  military  force  adequate 
to  the  task  of  meeting  and  crushing  these 
formidable  foes.  Year  after  year  the  wretched 
colony  maintained  its  struggle  for  existence 
amidst  deadly  perils,  receiving  almost  no  help 
from  France,  and  to  all  appearance  doomed 
to  destruction.  To  make  things  worse,  in- 
ternal strife  exercised  its  disintegrating  in- 
fluence ;  there  was  contention  among  the 
leaders  in  New  France  over  the  vexed  question 
of  the  liquor  traffic.  In  the  face  of  so  many 
adverse  circumstances — complete  lack  of  means, 
cessation  of  immigration  from  the  mother 
country,  the  perpetual  menace  of  the  bloody 
Iroquois  incursions,  a  dying  trade,  and  a  still- 
born agriculture — how  could  the  colony  be 
kept  alive  at  all  ?  Spiritual  and  civil 
authorities,  the  governor  and  the  bishop,  the 
Jesuits  and  the  traders,  all  united  in  petitioning 
for  assistance.  But  the  motherland  was  far 


away,  and  European  wars  and  rivalries  were 
engrossing  all  her  attention. 

Fortunately  a  change  was  at  hand.  The 
prolonged  struggle  of  the  Thirty  Years'  War 
and  of  the  war  against  Spain  had  been  ended 
by  the  treaty  of  Miinster  and  Osnabriick  in 
1648  and  by  that  of  the  Pyrenees  in  1659.  The 
civil  dissensions  of  the  Fronde  were  over, 
thanks  to  the  skilful  policy  of  Cardinal  Mazarin, 
Richelieu's  successor.  After  the  death  of 
Mazarin  in  1661,  Louis  XIV  had  taken  into 
his  own  hands  the  reins  of  administration.  He 
was  young,  painstaking,  and  ambitious ;  and 
he  wanted  to  be  not  only  king  but  the  real  ruler 
of  his  kingdom.  In  Jean  Baptiste  Colbert, 
the  man  who  had  been  Mazarin's  right  hand, 
he  had  the  good  fortune  to  find  one  of  the  best 
administrators  in  all  French  history.  Colbert 
soon  won  the  king's  confidence.  He  was  in- 
strumental in  detecting  the  maladministration 
of  Fouquet  as  superintendent  of  Finance,  and 
became  a  member  of  the  council  appointed 
to  investigate  and  report  on  all  financial 
questions.  Of  this  body  he  was  the  leading 
spirit  from  the  beginning.  Although  at  first 
without  the  title  of  minister,  he  was  promptly 
invested  with  a  wide  authority  over  the 
finances,  trade,  agriculture,  industry,  and 


marine  affairs.  Within  two  years  he  had 
shown  his  worth  and  had  justified  the  king's 
choice.  Great  and  beneficial  reforms  had 
been  accomplished  in  almost  every  branch  of 
the  administration.  The  exhausted  treasury 
had  been  replenished,  trade  and  industry  were 
encouraged,  agriculture  was  protected,  and  a 
navy  created.  Under  a  progressive  govern- 
ment France  seemed  to  awake  to  new  life. 

The  hour  was  auspicious  for  the  entreaties 
of    New    France.     Petitions    and    statements 
were  addressed  to  the  king  by  Mgr  de  Laval, 
the  head  of  ecclesiastical  affairs  in  the  colony, 
by  the  governor  Avaugour,  and  by  the  Jesuit 
fathers  ;   and  Pierre  Boucher,  governor  of  the 
district  of  Three  Rivers,  was  sent  to  France  as 
a  delegate  to  present  them.      L,ouis  and  his 
minister  studied  the  conditions  of  the  colony 
j  on  the  St  Lawrence  and  decided  in   1663  to 
give  it  a  new  constitution.     The  charter  of 
the   One   Hundred   Associates   was   cancelled 
p»and   the  old   Council   of   Quebec — formed  in 
K  1647 — was  reorganized  under  the  name  of  the 
|  Sovereign  Council.     This  new  governing  body 
A  was  to  be  composed  of  the  governor,  the  bishop, 
i;  the  intendant,  an  attorney-general,  a  secretary, 
j  and  five  councillors.     It  was  invested  with  a 
\  general  jurisdiction  for  the  administration  of 


After  a  painting  in  the  Hotel-Dieu,  Quebec 




justice  in  civil  and  criminal  matters.  It  had  p 
also  to  deal  with  the  questions  of  police,  roads,  i 
finance,  and  trade. 

To  establish  a  new  and  improved  system  of 
administration  was  a  good  thing,  but  this  alone 
would  hardly  avail  if  powerful  help  were  not 
forthcoming  to  rescue  New  France  from  ruin, 
despondency,  and  actual  extermination.  The 
colony  was  dying  for  lack  of  soldiers,  settlers, 
and  labourers,  .as  well  as  stores  of  food  and 
munitions  of  war  for  defence  and  maintenance. 
Louis  XIV  made  up  his  mind  that  help  should 
be  given.  In  1664  three  hundred  labourers L 
were  conveyed  to  Quebec  at  the  king's  expense, 
and  in  the  following  year  the  colonists  received 
the  welcome  information  that  the  king  was 
also  about  to  send  them  a  regiment  of  trained 
soldiers,  a  viceroy,  a  new  governor,  a  new 
intendant,  settlers  and  labourers,  and  all  kinds 
of  supplies.  This  royal  pledge  was  adequately 
fulfilled.  On  June  19,  1665,  the  Marquis  de 
Tracy,  lieutenant-general  of  all  the  French 
dominions  in  America,  arrived  from  the  West 
Indies,  where  he  had  successfully  discharged 
the  first  part  of  the  mission  entrusted  to  him 
by  his  royal  master.  With  him  came  four 
companies  of  soldiers.  During  the  whole 
summer  ships  were  disembarking  their 


passengers  and  unloading  their  cargoes  of 
ammunition  and  provisions  at  Quebec  in  quick 
succession.  It  is  easy  to  imagine  the  rapture  of 
the  colonists  at  such  a  sight,  and  the  enthusi- 
astic shouts  that  welcomed  the  first  detach- 
ment of  the  splendid  regiment  of  Carignan- 
Salieres.  At  length,  on  September  12,  the  cup 
of  public  joy  was  filled  to  overflowing  by  the 
arrival  of  the  ship  Saint  Sebastien  with  two 
high  officials  on  board,  David  de  Remy,  Sieur 
de  Courcelle,  the  governor  appointed  to  suc- 
ceed the  governpr^Mezy,  who  had  died  earlier 
*•  in  the  year,  ami  (Jean  Talon,  the  intendant  of 
| \justice,  police,  and  finance^  The  latter  had 
L  oeen  selected  to  replace  the  Sieur  Robert,  who 
had  been  made  intendant  in  1663,  but,  for  some 
unknown  reason,  had  never  come  to  Canada 
to  perform  the  duties  of  his  office.  The 
triumvirate  on  whom  was  imposed  the  noble 
task  of  saving  and  reviving  New  France  was 
thus  complete.  The  Marquis  de  Tracy  was 
an  able  and  clear-sighted  commander,  the 
Sieur  deJDourcelle  a  fearless,  straightforward 
official^  But  the  part  of  Jean  Talon  in  the 
common  task,  though  apparently  less  brilliant, 
was  to  be  in  many  respects  the  most  important, 
and  his  influence  the  most  far-reaching  in  the 
-.destinies  of  the  colony^ 


^Talon  was  born  at  Chalons-sur-Marne,  in  the 
province  of  Champagne,  about  the  year  1625^ 
His  family  were  kinsfolk  of  the  Parisian  Talons, 
Omer  and  Denis,  the  celebrated  jurists  and 
lawyers,  who  held  in  succession  the  high  office 
of  attorney-general  of  France.  Several  of 
Jean  Talon's  brothers  were  serving  in  the 
administration  or  the  army,  and,  after  a  course 
of  study  at  the  Jesuits'  College  of  Clermont, 
Jean  was  employed  under  one  of  them  in  the 
commissariat.  The  young  man's  abilities  soon 
became  .apparent  and  attracted  Mazarin's 
attention^ \m  1654  he  was  appointed  military 
commissary  at  Le  Quesnoy  in  connection  with 
the  operations  of  the  army  commanded  by  the 
great  Turenne.  A  year  later,  at  the  age  of 
thirty,  he  was  promoted  to  be  intendant  for 
the  province  of  Hainault.  For  ten  years  he 
filled  that  office  and  won  the  reputation  of  an 
administrator  of  the  first  rank.  Thus  it  came 
about  that,  when  an  intendant  was  needed  to 
infuse  new  blood  into  the  veins  of  the  feeble 
colony  on  the  St  Lawrence,  Colbert,  always  \ 
a  good  judge  of  men,  thought  immediately  of 
Jean  Talon  and  recommended  to  the  king  his—, 
appointment  as  intendant  of  New  France. 
Talon's  commission  is  dated  March  23,  1665.'  ''* 

The   minister*  drafted   for    the   intendant's 


guidance  a  long  letter  of  instructions.  It 
dealt  with  the  mutual  relations  of  Church  and 
State,  and  set  forth  the  Gallican  principles  of 
the  day  ;  it  discussed  the  question  of  assistance 
;o  the  recently  created  West  India  Company ; 
,e  contemplated  war  against  the  Iroquois  and 
.ow  it  might  successfully  be  carried  on ;  the 
Sovereign  Council  and  the  administration  of 
justice ;  the  settlement  of  the  colony  and  the 
advisability  of  concentrating  the  population ; 
the  importance  of  fostering  trade  and  industry  ; 
the  question  of  tithes  for  the  maintenance  of 
the  Church ;  the  establishment  of  shipbuilding 
yards  and  the  encouragement  of  agriculture. 
This  document  was  signed  by  Louis  XIV  at 
Paris  on  March  27,  1665. 

On  receiving  his  commission  and  his  in- 
structions, Talon  took  leave  of  the  king  and 
the  minister,  and  proceeded  to  make  prepara- 
tions for  his  arduous  mission  and  for  the  long 
journey  which  it  involved.  By  April  22  he 
was  at  La  Rochelle,  to  arrange  for  the 
embarkation  of  settlers,  working  men,  and 
supplies.  He  attended  the  review  of  the  troops 
that  were  bound  for  New  France,  and  reported 
to  Colbert  that  the  companies  were  at  their  full 
strength,  well  equipped  and  in  the  best  of  spirits. 
During  this  time  he  spared  no  pains  to  acquire 


information  about  the  new  country  where  he 
was  to  work  and  live.  Finally,  by  May  24, 
everything  was  in  readiness,  and  he  wrote  to 
Colbert : 

Since  apparently  I  shall  not  have  the 
honour  of  writing  you  another  letter  from 
this  place,  for  our  ship  awaits  only  a 
favourable  wind  to  sail,  allow  me  to  assure 
you  that  I  am  leaving  full  of  gratitude  for 
all  the  kindness  and  favours  bestowed  on 
me  by  the  king  and  yourself.  Knowing 
that  the  best  way  to  show  my  gratitude  is 
to  do  good  service  to  His  Majesty,  and  that 
the  best  title  to  future  benevolence  lies  in 
strenuous  effort  for  the  successful  execution 
of  his  wishes,  I  shall  do  my  utmost  to  attain 
that  end  in  the  charge  I  am  going  to  fill. 
I  pray  for  your  protection  and  help,  which 
will  surely  be  needed,  and  if  my  endeavours 
should  not  be  crowned  with  success,  at 
least  it  will  not  be  for  want  of  zeal  and 

A  few  hours  after  having  written  these  fare- 
well lines,  Talon,  in  company  with  M.  de 
Courcelle,  set  sail  on  the  Saint  Sebastien  for 
Canada,  where  he  was  to  make  for  himself  an 
imperishable  name. 


NEW  FRANCE  IN  1665 

LET  us  take  a  glance  over  the  colony  at  the 
time  when  Courcelle  and  Talon  landed  at 
Quebec  after  an  ocean  journey — there  were 
no  fast  lines  then — of  one  hundred  and 
seventeen  days. 

In  1665  Canada  had  only  three  settled  dis- 
tricts: Quebec,  Three  Rivers,  and  Ville-Marie 
or  Montreal.  Quebec,  the  chief  town,  bore  the 
proud  title  of  the  capital  of  New  France.  Yet 
it  contained  barely  seventy  houses  with  about 
five  hundred  and  fifty  inhabitants.  Then,  as 
now,  it  consisted  of  a  lower  and  an  upper 
town.  In  the  lower  town  were  to  be  found 
the  king's  stores  and  the  merchants'  shops 
and  residences.  The  public  officials  and  the 
clergy  and  members  of  the  religious  orders 
lived  in  the  upper  town,  where  stood  the 
principal  buildings  of  the  capital — the  Chateau 
Saint-Louis,  the  Bishop's  Palace,  the  Cathe» 

dral,  the  Jesuits'  College  and  Chapel,  and  the 

NEW  FRANCE  IN  1665  XI 

monasteries  of  the  Ursulines  and  of  the  Hotel- 
Dieu  sisters. 

Francois  de  Laval  de  Montmorency,  bishop 
of  Petraea  and  vicar  apostolic  for  Canada,  was 
the  spiritual  head  of  the  colony.  He  had 
arrived  from  France  six  years  earlier,  in  1659, 
and  was  destined  to  spend  the  remainder  of  his 
life,  nearly  half  a  century,  in  the  service  of  the 
Church  in  Canada.  Because  of  his  noble 
character  and  many  virtues,  his  strong  in- 
tellect, and  his  devotion  to  the  public  weal, 
he  will  ever  rank  as  one  of  the  greatest  figures 
in  Canadian  history.  His  vicar-general  was 
Henri  de  Bernieres,  who  was  also  parish  priest 
of  Quebec  and  superior  of  the  seminary 
founded  by  the  bishop  in  1663.  The  superior 
of  the  Jesuits  was  Father  Le  Mercier.  The 
saintly  Marie  de  T  Incarnation  was  mother 
superior  of  the  Ursulines,  and  Mother  Saint 
Bonaventure  of  the  Hotel-Dieu. 

It  may  be  interesting  to  recall  the  names  of 
some  of  the  notable  citizens  of  Quebec  at  that 
time,  other  than  the  high  officials.  There  were 
Michel  Filion  and  Pierre  Duquet,  notaries ; 
Jean  Madry,  surgeon  to  the  king's  majesty  ; 
Jean  Le  Mire,  the  future  syndic  des  habitants ; 
Madame  d'Ailleboust,  widow  of  a  former 
governor  ;  Madame  Couillard,  widow  of  Guil- 


laume  Couillard  and  daughter  of  Louis  Hebert, 
the  first  tiller  of  the  soil ;  Madame  de  Repen- 
tigny,  widow  of  'Admiral*  de  Repentigny,  to 
use  the  grandiloquent  expression  of  old 
chroniclers  ;  Nicolas  Marsollet,  Louis  Couillard 
de  PEspinay,  Charles  Roger  de  Colombiers, 
Frangois  Bissot,  Charles  Amiot,  Le  Gardeur  de 
Repentigny,  Dupont  de  Neuville,  Pierre  Denis 
de  la  Ronde,  all  men  of  high  standing.  The 
chief  merchants  were  Charles  Basire,  Jacques 
Loyer  de  Latour,  Claude  Charron,  Jean  Maheut, 
Eustache  Lambert,  Bertrand  Chesnay  de  la 
Garenne,  Guillaume  Feniou.  Charles  Aubert 
de  la  Chesnaye,  the  stalwart  Quebec  trader  of 
the  day,  was  then  in  France. 

In  the  neighbourhood  of  Quebec  were  a  few 
settlements.  According  to  the  census  of  the 
following  year  there  were  452  persons  on  the 
Island  of  Orleans,  533  at  the  Cote  Beaupre,  185 
at  Beauport,  140  at  Sillery,  and  112  at  Charles- 
bourg  and  Notre- Dame-des-Anges  on  the  St 
Charles  river. 

Three  Rivers  was  a  small  port  with  a 
population  of  455,  including  that  of  the  ad- 
joining settlements.  The  governor  in  charge  of 
the  local  administration  was  Pierre  Boucher, 
already  mentioned  as  a  delegate  to  France 
in  1 66 1.  The  Jesuits  had  a  residence  there 

NEW  FRANCE  IN  1665  13 

and  a  chapel  which  was  the  only  place 
of  public  worship,  for  the  colonists  had  not 
as  yet  the  means  to  erect  a  parish  church. 
In  the  vicinity  there  were  the  beginnings  of 
settlement  at  Cap-de-la-Magdeleine,  Batiscan, 
and  Champlain.  Among  the  important  fami- 
lies of  Three  Rivers  were  those  of  Godefroy, 
Hertel,  Le  Neuf,  Crevier,  Boucher,  Poulin, 
Volant,  Lemaitre,  Rivard,  and  Ameau.  Michel 
Le  Neuf  du  Herisson  was  juge  royal,  and 
Severin  Ameau  was  notary  and  registrar  of  the 

Montreal  or  Ville-Marie  was  scarcely  more 
important  than  Three  Rivers.  The  popula- 
tion of  the  whole  district  numbered  only 
625.  A  fort  built  by  Maisonneuve  and 
Ailleboust  at  Pointe-a-Callieres ;  the  house 
of  the  Sulpicians  at  the  foot  of  the  present 
Saint-Sulpice  Street ;  the  Hotel-Dieu  on  the 
other  side  of  that  street ;  the  convent  of  the 
Congregation  sisters  facing  the  Hotel-Dieu ; 
a  few  houses  scattered  along  the  road  called 
'  de  la  Commune,'  now  Saint -Paul  Street; 
and  on  the  rising  ground  towards  the  Place 
d'Armes  of  later  years  a  few  more  dwellings — 
these  constituted  the  Montreal  of  primitive 
days.  On  the  top  of  the  hill  called  €  Coteau 
Saint-Louis '  was  erected  an  intrenched  mill — 


*  Moulin  du  Coteau  ' — which  could  be  used  as 
a  redoubt  to  protect  the  inhabitants.  The 
Sulpicians'  house,  the  H8tel-Dieu,  the  convent 
of  the  Congregation,  and  the  houses  of  the 
Place  d'Armes  and  of  *  la  Commune '  were 
connected  with  the  fort  by  footpaths.  Before 
1672  there  were  no  streets  laid  out.  The  only 
place  of  public  worship  was  the  Hotel-Dieu 
chapel,  fifty  feet  in  length  by  thirty  in  width. 
The  superior  of  the  Sulpicians  was  Abbe 
Souart.  Mother  Mac6  was  superioress  of  the 
Hotel-Dieu,  but  the  mainstay  of  the  institution 
was  the  well-known  Mademoiselle  Mance,  who, 
by  the  aid  of  Madame  de  Bullion's  benefactions, 
had  founded  it  in  1643.  The  illustrious  Sister 
Marguerite  Bourgeoys  was  at  the  head  of  the 
Congregation,  which  owed  its  existence  to  her 
pious  zeal  and  devotion  to  the  education  of  the 
young.  Among  the  *  Montrealistes '  of  note 
the  following  should  be  specially  mentioned : 
Zacharie  Dupuy,  major  of  the  island  ;  Charles 
d'Ailleboust,  seigneurial  judge ;  J.  B.  Migeon 
de  Bransac,  fiscal  attorney ;  Louis  Artus 
Sailly,  who  had  been  for  some  time  juge 
royal;  Benigne  Basset,  at  once  registrar  of 
the  seigneurial  court,  notary,  and  surveyor ; 
Charles  Le  Moyne,  king's  treasurer,  inter- 
preter, soldier,  settler,  who  was  later  to  be 

NEW  FRANCE  IN  1665  15 

ennobled  and  receive  the  title  of  Baron  de 
Longueuil ;  6tienne  Bouchard,  surgeon ; 
Pierre  Picote  de  Belestre,  a  valiant  militia 
officer;  Claude  de  Robutel,  Sieur  de  Saint- 
Andre  ;  Jacques  Leber,  a  merchant  who  con- 
trolled almost  the  whole  trade  of  Ville-Marie. 

Altogether  the  white  population  of  Canada, 
including  the  settlers  and  labourers  arriving      > 
during  the  summer  of  i66*t  numberedonly-y 
3215.     Yet  ffi*e  colony  had  been  inexisfeilCH' 
fOfmty^sSven  years  I    U  was^  certainiy  flme 
fcnr-jjTTgw ^  eifofT^TTlIie  part  oflRenTOffieX-.  I 
country  to  infuse  life  into  her  feeble  offspring. 
This  was  a  task  calling  for  the  earnest  care 
and    the    most    energetic    activity    of   Tracy,J/ 
Courcelle,  and  Talon. 

One  of  the  first  matters  to  receive  their 
attention  was  vbe  _j££prganization  of  the 
Canadian  adminislfation.  We  have  seen  that 
in  1663  the  Sovereign  Council  had  been 
created,  to  consist  of  the  high  officials  of  the 
colony  and  five  councillors.  At  this  time, 
September  1665,  the  five  councillors  were 
Mathieu  Damours,  Le  Gardeur  de  Tilly,  and 
three  others  who  had  been  irregularly  appointed 
by  Mezy,  the  preceding  governor,  to  take  the 
places  of  three  councillors  whom  he  had 
arbitrarily  dismissed — Rouer  de  Villeray, 


Juchereau  de  la  Ferte,  and  Ruette  d'Auteuil. 
The  same  governor  had  also  dismissed  Jean 
Bourdon,  the  attorney-general,  and  had  re- 
placed him  by  Chartier  de  Lotbiniere.  These 
summary  dismissals  and  appointments  had 
arisen  out  of  a  quarrel  between  the  governor 
and  the  bishop,  in  which  the  former  appears 
to  have  been  influenced  by  petty  motives.  At 
any  rate  Mezy  had  been  recalled  by  the  king  ; 
and  Tracy,  Courcelle,  and  Talon  had  been 
instructed  to  try  him  for  improper  conduct 
in  office.  But  before  their  arrival  at  Quebec, 
Mezy  had  obeyed  the  summons  of  another 
King  than  the  king  of  France.  He  had  been 
taken  ill  in  the  spring  of  the  year  and  had 
died  on  May  6.  Mezy  being  dead,  it  was  wisely 
thought  unnecessary  to  recall  unhappy  memo- 
ries of  his  errors  and  misdeeds.  Sufficient 
would  be  done  if  the  grievances  due  to  his 
rashness  were  redressed.  Accordingly  the 
dismissed  officials  were  reinstated,  and  on 
September  23,  1665,  a  solemn  sitting  of  the 
Sovereign  Council  was  held,  at  which  Tracy, 
Courcelle,  Laval,  and  Talon  were  present, 
together  with  the  Sieur  Le  Barroys,  general 
agent  of  the  West  India  Company,  and  the 
Sieurs  de  Villeray,  de  la  Ferte,  d'Auteuil,  de 
Tilly,  Damours — all  the  councillors  in  office 

NEW  FRANCE  IN  1665  17 

before  Mezy's  dismissals  —  Jean  Bourdon,  the 
attorney-general,  and  J.  B.  Peuvret,  secretary 
of  the  council.  The  letters  patent  of  Courcelle 
and  Talon  as  well  as  the  commission  and 
credentials  of  the  Sieur  Le  Barroys  were  duly 
read  and  registered  ;  the  letters  patent  of  the 
Marquis  de  Tracy  had  been  registered  pre- 
viously. With  these  formalities  the  new  l  /  / 
administration  of 

The  next  proceeding  of  the  rulers  of  New  . 
France  was  to  prepare  for  a  decisive  blow 
against  the  daring  Iroquois.  Tracy  and  the 
soldiers,  as  we  have  seen,  had  arrived  in  June 
and  three  forts  were  in  course  of  building  on 
the  Richelieu  river,  or  '  riviere  des  Iroquois,'  so 
called  because  for  a  long  period  it  had  been  the 
most  direct  highway  leading  from  the  villages 
of  these  bloody  warriors  to  the  heart  of  the 
colony.^  During  the  summer  and  autumn 
of  1665  the  Carignan  soldiers  were  kept  busy 
with  the  construction  of  these  necessary 
defensive  workS^The  first  fort  was  erected 
at  the  mouth  of  the  river,  under  the  direction 
of  Captain  de  Sorel  ;  the  second  fifty  miles 
higher,  under  Captain  de  Chambly  ;  and  the 
third  about  nine  miles  farther  up,  under 
Colonel  de  Salieres.  The  first  two  retained 
the  names  of  the  officers  in  charge  of  their 

G.I.  B 


construction,  and  the  third  received  the  name 
of  Sainte-Therese  because  it  was  finished  on 
the  day  dedicated  to  that  saint.  During  the 
following  year  two  other  forts  were  built — 
St  John,  a  few  miles  distant  from  Sainte- 
Therese,  and  Sainte-Anne,  on  an  island  at 
the  head  of  Lake  Champlain.  Both  Tracy  and 
Courcelle  went  to  inspect  the  work  personally 
and  encourage  the  garrisons. 

In  the  meantime  Talon  was  in  no  way  idle. 
He  had  to  organize  the  means  of  conveying 
provisions,  ammunition,  tools,  and  supplies  of 
every  description  for  the  maintenance  of  the 
itroops  and  the  furtherance  of  the  work.  Under 
his  supervision  a  flotilla  of  over  fifty  boats 
plied  between  Quebec  and  the  river  Richelieu. 
It  was  also  his  business  to  take  care  of  the 
incoming  soldiers  and  labourers  and  to  see 
that  those  who  had  contracted  disease  during 
their  journey  across  the  ocean  received  proper 
nursing  and  medical  attendance. 

From  the  moment  of  his  arrival  he  had 
lost  no  opportunity  of  acquiring  information 
on  the  situation  in  the  colony.  There  is  a 
curious  anecdote  that  illustrates  the  manner 
in  which  he  sometimes  contrived  to  gain 
knowledge  by  concealing  his  identity.  On 
the  very  day  of  his  landing  he  went  alone  to 

NEW  FRANCE  IN  1665  19 

the  Hotel-Dieu,  and  asking  for  the  superioress, 
introduced  himself  as  the  valet  de  chambre 
of  the  intendant,  pretending  to  be  sent  by  his 
master  to  assure  the  good  ladies  of  the  hospital 
of  M.  Talon's  kindly  disposition  and  desire 
to  bestow  on  them  every  favour  in  his  gift. 
One  of  the  sisters  present  at  the  interview- 
Mere  de  la  Nativite,  a  very  bright  and  clever 
woman — was  struck  by  the  extreme  distinction 
of  manner  and  speech  of  the  so-called  valet, 
and,  with  a  meaning  glance  at  the  superioress, 
told  the  visitor  that  unless  she  was  mistaken 
he  was  more  than  he  pretended  to  be.  On 
his  asking  what  could  convey  to  her  that 
impression,  she  replied  that  by  his  bearing 
and  language  she  could  not  but  feel  that  the 
intendant  himself  was  honouring  the  Hotel- 
Dieu  with  a  visit.  Talon  could  do  no  less  than 
confess  that  she  was  right,  showing  at  the 
same  time  that  he  appreciated  the  delicate 
compliment  thus  paid  to  him.  From  that  day 
he  was  a  devoted  and  most  generous  friend  to 
the  Hotel-Dieu  of  Quebec. 

One  of  the  first  problems  with  which  the 
intendant  had  to  deal  in  discharging  the  dutiesit 
of  his  office  was  the  dualism  of  administrative 
authority.     It  has  been  mentioned  that  Colbert  J/ 
had  founded  a  new  trading  company,  known  •? 


as  the  West  India  Company.  This  corporation 
had  been  granted  wide  privileges  over  all  the 
French  possessions  in  America,  including 
feudal  ownership  and  authority  to  administer 
justice  and  levy  war.  The  company  was  thus 
invested  with  the  right  of  appointing  judicial 
officers,  magistrates,  and  sovereign  councils, 
and  of  naming,  subject  to  the  king's  sanction, 
governors  and  other  functionaries  ;  it  had  full 
power  to  sell  the  land  or  make  grants  in  feudal 
tenure,  to  receive  all  seigneurial  dues,  to  build 
forts,  raise  troops,  and  equip  war-ships.  JTJhfc 
company's  charter  had  been  granted  in  1664, 
and  of  course  Canada,  as  well  as  the  other 
French  colonies  in  the  New  World,  was  in- 
cluded in  its  jurisdiction.  The  situation  of  this 
colony  was  therefore  very  peculiar.  In  1663 
the  king  had  cancelled  the  charter  of  the  One 
Hundred  Associates  and  had  taken  back  the 
fief  of  Canada  ;  but  a  year  later  he  had  granted 
it  again  to  a  new  company.  .At  the  same  time 
he  showed  clearly  that  he  intended  to  keep 
the  administration  in  his  own  hands.  Thus 
Canada  seemed  to  have  two  masters.  In 
accordance  with  its  charter,  the  company  held 
the  ownership  and  government  of  the  country 
dejure.  But  in  point  of  fact  the  king  wielded 
the  government,  thus  taking  back  with  one 

NEW  FRANCE  IN  1665  21 

hand  what  he  had  given  with  the  other.  By 
right  the  company  controlled  the  administra- 
tion of  justice ;  it  could,  and  actually  did, 
establish  courts.  But,  in  fact,  the  king  ap- 
pointed the  intendant  supreme  judge  in  civil 
cases,  and  made  the  Sovereign  Council  a 
tribunal  of  superior  jurisdiction.  By  right, 
to  the  company  belonged  the  power  of  granting 
land  and  seigneuries.  In  fact,  the  governor  or 
the  intendant,  the  king's  officers,  made  the 
grants  at  their  pleasure.  This  strange  situa- 
tion, which  lasted  ten  years — until  the  West 
India  Company's  charter  was  revoked  in  1674 
— is  often  confusing  to  the  student  of  the 

"S/Talon  saw  at  a  glance  the  anomaly  of  the 
situation  ;  but,  being  a  practical  man,  he  was 
less  displeased  with  the  falsity  of  the  principle 
than  apprehensive  of  the  evil  that  was  likely 
to  result.  In  a  letter  to  Colbert,  dated  October 
4,  1665,  he  discussed  the  subject  at  length, 
putting  it  in  plain  terms.  If,  when  the  grant 
was  made,  it  was  the  king's  intention  to  benefit 
only  the  company — to  increase  its  profits  and 
develop  its  trade — with  no  ulterior  considera- 
tion for  the  development  of  the  colony,  then  it 
would  be  well  to  leave  to  the  company  the  sole 
ownership  of  the  country.  But  if  His  Majesty 


had  thought  of  making  Canada  one  of  the 
prosperous  parts  of  his  kingdom,  it  was  very 
doubtful  whether  he  could  attain  that  end 
without  keeping  in  his  own  hands  the  control 
of  lands  and  trade.  The  real  aim  of  the  West 
India  Company,  as  he  had  learned,  was  to 
enforce  its  commercial  monopoly  to  the  utmost, 
and  become  the  only  trading  medium  between 
the  colony  and  the  mother  country.  Such  a 
policy  could  have  but  one  result ;  it  would  put 
an  end  to  private  enterprise  and  discourage 

In  spite  of  the  company's  apparent  overlord- 
ship,  Talon  thought  that,  as  the  king's  agent, 
he  was  bound  to  exercise  the  powers  appertain- 
ing to  his  office  for  the  good  of  the  colony. 
By  the  end  of  the  year  1665  he  had  planned  a 
new  settlement  in  the  vicinity  of  Quebec  on 
lands  included  in  the  limits  of  the  seigneury 
of  Notre- Dame-des-Anges  at  Charlesbourg, 
which  he  had  withdrawn  from  the  grant  to 
the  Jesuits,  under  the  king's  authority.  This 
was  the  occasion  of  some  friction  between 
the  Jesuits  and  the  intendant.  Talon  gave 
the  necessary  orders  for  the  erection  of  about 
forty  dwellings  which  should  be  ready  to  receive 
new  settlers  during  the  following  year.  These 
were  to  be  grouped  in  three  adjacent  villages 

NEW  FRANCE  IN  1665  23 

named  Bourg-Royal,  Bourg-la-Reine,  and 
Bourg-Talon.  We  shall  learn  more  of  them 
in  a  following  chapter. 

Another  enterprise  of  the  intendant  was 
numbering  the  people.  Under  his  personal 
supervision,  during  the  winter  of  1666-67,  a 
general  census  of  the  colony  was  taken — the 
*first  Canadian  census  of  which  we  have  any 
record.  The  count  showed,  as  we  have  already 
said,  a  total  population  of  3215  in  Canada  at 
that  time — 2034  males  and  1181  females.  The 
married  people  numbered  1019,  and  there  were 
528  families.  Elderly  people  were  but  few  in 
number,  95  only  being  from  fifty-one  to  sixty 
years  old,  43  from  sixty-one  to  seventy,  10 
from  seventy-one  to  eighty,  and  4  from  eighty- 
one  to  ninety.  In  regard  to  professions  and 
occupations,  there  were  then  in  New  France 
3  notaries,  5  surgeons,  18  merchants,  4  bailiffs, 
3  schoolmasters,  36  carpenters,  27  joiners, 
30  tailors,  8  coopers,  5  bakers,  9  millers,  3 
locksmiths.  The  census  did  not  include  the 
king's  troops,  which  formed  a  body  of  1200 
men.  The  clergy  consisted  of  the  bishop,  18 
priests  and  aspirants  to  the  priesthood,  and 
35  Jesuit  fathers.  There  were  also  19 
Ursulines,  23  Hospitalieres,  and  4  Sisters  of 
the  Congregation.  The  original  record  of 


this,  the  first  Canadian  census,  has  been  pre- 
served and  is  without  question  a  most  important 
historical  document.  It  is  likewise  full  of 
living  interest,  for  in  it  are  recorded  the  names 
of  many  families  whose  descendants  are  now 
to  be  found  all  over  Canada. 



IT  was  the  special  task  of  Tracy  and  Courcelle 
to  rid  the  colony  of  the  Iroquois  scourge.  The 
Five  Nations  1  had  heard  with  some  disquietude 
of  the  body  of  trained  soldiers  sent  by  the 
French  king  to  check  their  incursions  and 
crush  their  confederacy.  At  the  beginning  of 
December  1665,  the  Marquis  de  Tracy  received 
an  embassy  from  the  Onondagas.  They  desired 
to  enter  into  a  peace  negotiation,  and  one  of 
the  most  noted  chiefs,  Garakonthie,  delivered 
on  that  occasion  a  long  and  eloquent  address 
to  the  viceroy.  A  treaty  was  signed  by  them 
on  behalf  of  their  own  and  two  of  the  other 
tribes,  the  Senecas  and  the  Oneidas.  But 
meanwhile  the  Oneidas  did  not  cease  from 
hostilities,  and  the  Mohawks  also  continued 
their  bloody  raids  against  the  French  settle* 

1  The  Iroquois  league  consisted  of  five  tribes  or  nations— the 
Mohawks,  the  Cayugas,  the  Senecas,  the  Onondagas,  and  the 



ments.  Courcelle  therefore  decided  to  march 
at  once  against  their  villages  beyond  Lake 
Champlain,  in  what  is  now  New  York  state, 
and  to  teach  them  a  lesson.  But  he  did  not 
know  the  nature  of  a  winter  expedition  in  this 
northern  climate.  Leaving  Quebec  on  January 
9,  he  reached  Three  Rivers  on  the  i6th,  and 
,  proceeded  to  Fort  Saint-Louis  on  the  Richelieu, 
where  he  had  fixed  the  rendezvous  of  the 
troops.  The  cold  was  very  severe,  and  many 
soldiers  were  frozen  at  the  outset.  On  January 
29  the  little  band,  five  or  six  hundred  French 
and  Canadians,  left  Fort  Saint-Louis,  unfortun- 
ately without  waiting  for  a  party  of  Algonquins 
who  should  have  acted  as  scouts.  It  was  a 
distressing  march.  The  soldiers  had  to  walk 
through  deep  snow,  and  the  unfamiliar  use  of 
snowshoes  was  a  great  trial  to  the  Europeans. 
At  night,  no  shelter  1  They  had  to  sleep  in  the 
open  air,  under  the  canopy  of  the  sky  and  the 
cold  light  of  the  glimmering  stars.  Having 
no  guides,  Courcelle  and  his  men  lost  their 
way  in  that  unknown  country.  After  seven- 
teen days  of  extreme  toil  they  found  that, 
instead  of  reaching  the  Mohawk  district,  they 
were  near  Corlaer  in  the  New  Netherlands, 
sixty  miles  distant.  The  vanguard  had  a 
brush  with  two  hundred  Iroquois,  who  slipped 


away  after  killing  six  French  soldiers  and 
leaving  four  of  their  own  number  dead.  The 
governor  could  go  no  farther  with  his  exhausted 
troops  and  was  forced  to  retrace  his  steps.  The 
retreat  was  worse  than  the  forward  march. 
The  supply  of  provisions  failed,  and  to  the 
suffering  from  cold  was  soon  added  hunger. 
Many  soldiers  died  of  exposure  and  starvation. 
In  reading  the  account  of  the  ill-fated  ex- 
pedition, one  is  reminded  of  the  disastrous 
retreat  of  Napoleon's  army  in  1812  through  the 
icy  solitudes  of  Russia.  By  this  sad  experience 
the  military  commanders  of  New  France  found 
that  they  had  something  to  learn  of  the  art  of 
making  war  in  North  America,  and  must 
respect  the  peculiarities  of  the  climate  and 
country.  Nevertheless  Courcelle's  winter  ex- 
pedition had  made  an  impression  on  the  minds 
of  the  Iroquois  and  had  even  surprised  the 
Dutch  and  the  English.  The  author  of  a 
narrative  entitled  Relation  of  the  March  of 
the  Governor  of  Canada  into  New  York  wrote : 
'  Surely  so  bold  and  hardy  an  attempt  hath  not 
happened  in  any  age.' 

Apparently  the  Five  Nations  were  somewhat 
uneasy,  for  in  March  the  Senecas  sent  am- 
bassadors to  the  Marquis  de  Tracy  to  ratify 
the  treaty  signed  in  December.  In  July 


delegates  came  from  the  Oneida  tribe ;  they 
presented  a  letter  written  by  the  English 
authorities  at  Orange  which  assured  the  viceroy 
that  the  Mohawks  were  well  disposed  and 
wished  for  peace.  A  new  treaty  of  ratification 
was  accordingly  signed.  But  the  lieutenant- 
general  wanted  something  more  complete  and 
decisive.  He  demanded  of  the  delegates  a 
general  treaty  to  include  the  whole  of  the  Five 
Nations,  and  stated  that  he  would  allow  forty 
days  for  all  the  Iroquois  tribes  to  send  their 
ambassadors  to  Quebec.  Moreover,  he  in- 
structed Father  Beschefer  to  go  to  Orange  with 
some  of  the  Oneida  delegates  for  the  purpose 
of  meeting  the  ambassadors  and  escorting 
them  to  Quebec.  Unfortunately,  a  few  days 
after  the  priest's  departure,  news  came  that 
four  Frenchmen  on  a  hunting  expedition  had 
been  killed  near  Fort  Sainte-Anne  by  a  party 
of  Mohawks,  and  that  three  others  had  been 
taken  prisoners.  One  of  the  slain  was  a  cousin 
of  Tracy,  and  one  of  the  captives  his  nephew. 
Father  Beschefer  was  at  once  recalled  and 
Captain  de  Sorel  was  ordered  to  march  with 
some  two  hundred  Frenchmen  and  ninety 
Indians  to  strike  a  blow  at  the  raiders.  Sorel 
lost  no  time  and  had  nearly  reached  the  enemy's 
villages  when  he  met  Tracy's  nephew  and  the 


other  prisoners  under  escort  of  an  Iroquois 
chief  and  three  warriors,  who  were  bound  for 
Quebec  to  make  amends  for  the  treacherous 
murder  recently  perpetrated  and  to  sue  for 
peace.  Under  these  circumstances  Captain 
de  Sorel  did  not  think  it  necessary  to  proceed 
farther,  and  marched  his  men  home  again  with 
the  Iroquois  and  the  rescued  prisoners.  On 
August  31  a  great  meeting  was  held  at  Quebec 
in  the  Jesuits'  garden.  The  delegates  of  the 
Five  Nations  were  present,  and  speeches  were 
made  enlarging  on  the  desirability  of  peace. 
But  it  soon  became  apparent  that  no  peace 
could  be  lasting  except  after  a  successful 
expedition  against  the  Mohawks.  Tracy, 
Courcelle,  and  Talon  held  a  consultation, 
and  the  intendant  submitted  a  well-prepared 
document  in  which  he  reviewed  the  reasons 
for  and  against  a  continuance  of  the  war.  In 
Talon's  mind  the  arguments  in  favour  of  it 
had  undoubtedly  the  greater  weight.  Tracy 
and  Courcelle  concurred  in  this  opinion. 
Thirteen  hundred  men  were  drafted  for  an 
expedition — six  hundred  regular  soldiers,  six 
hundred  Canadians,  and  a  hundred  Indians. 
All  was  soon  ready,  and  on  September  14,  the 
day  of  the  Exaltation  of  the  Cross,  Tracy  and 
Courcelle  left  Quebec,  at  the  head  of  their 


troops.  It  was  a  spectacle  that  did  not  fail 
to  impress  the  Iroquois  chiefs  detained  in 
Quebec.  One  of  them,  deeply  moved,  said  to 
the  viceroy :  '  I  see  that  we  are  lost,  but  you 
will  pay  dearly  for  your  victory  ;  my  nation 
will  be  exterminated,  but  I  tell  you  that  many 
of  your  young  men  will  not  return,  for  our 
young  warriors  will  fight  desperately.  I  beg  of 
you  to  save  my  wife  and  children.'  Many  who 
witnessed  that  martial  exit  of  Tracy  and 
Courcelle  from  the  Chateau  Saint-Louis,  sur- 
rounded by  a  staff  of  noble  officers,  must  have 
realized  that  this  was  a  memorable  day  in  the 
history  of  New  France.  At  last  a  crushing 
blow  was  to  be  struck  at  the  ferocious  foe  who 
for  twenty-five  years  had  been  the  curse  and 
terror  of  the  wretched  colony.  What  mighty 
cheers  were  shouted  on  that  day  by  the  eager 
and  enthusiastic  spectators  who  lined  the 
streets  of  Quebec  I 

On  September  28,  the  troops  taking  part  in 
the  expedition  were  assembled  at  Fort  Sainte- 
Anne.1  Charles  Le  Moyne  commanded  the 
Montreal  contingent,  one  hundred  and  ten 
strong  ;  the  Quebec  contingent  marched  under 
Le  Gardeur  de  Repentigny.  Father  Albanel 
and  Father  Raffeix,  Jesuit  priests,  the  Abbe 

1  On  Isle  La  Mothe  at  the  northern  end  of  Lake  Champlain. 


Dollier  de  Casson,  a  Sulpician,  and  the  Abbe 
Dubois,  chaplain  of  the  Carignan  regiment, 
accompanied  the  army.  Three  hundred  light 
boats  had  been  launched  for  the  crossing  of 
Lakes  Champlain  and  Saint-Sacrement.  Cour- 
celle,  always  impetuous,  was  the  first  to  leave 
the  fort ;  he  led  a  vanguard  of  four  hundred 
men  which  included  those  from  Montreal. 
The  main  body  of  the  army  under  Tracy  set 
out  on  October  3.  Captains  Chambly  and 
Berthier  were  to  follow  four  days  later  with  the 

The  journey  by  water  was  uneventful ;  but 
the  portage  between  the  two  lakes  was  hard 
and  trying.  Yet  it  was  nothing  compared 
with  the  difficulties  of  the  march  beyond  Lake 
Saint-Sacrement.  One  hundred  miles  of  forest, 
mountains,  rivers,  and  swamps  lay  between  the 
troops  and  the  Iroquois  villages.  No  roads 
existed,  only  narrow  footpaths  interrupted  by 
quagmires,  bristling  with  stumps,  obstructed 
by  the  entanglement  of  fallen  trees,  or  abruptly 
cut  by  the  foaming  waters  of  swollen  streams. 
Heavily  laden,  with  arms,  provisions,  and 
ammunition  strapped  on  their  backs,  French 
and  Canadians  slowly  proceeded  through  the 
great  woods,  whose  autumnal  glories  were 
vanishing  fast  under  the  influence  of  the  chill 


winds  of  October.  Slipping  over  moist  logs, 
sinking  into  unsuspected  swamps,  climbing 
painfully  over  steep  rocks,  they  went  forward 
with  undaunted  determination.  At  night  they 
had  to  sleep  in  the  open  on  a  bed  of  damp 
leaves.  The  crossing  of  rivers  was  sometimes 
dangerous.  Tracy,  who  unfortunately  had 
been  seized  with  an  attack  of  gout,  was  nearly 
drowned  in  one  rapid  stream.  A  Swiss  soldier 
had  undertaken  to  carry  him  across  on  his 
shoulders,  but  his  strength  failed,  and  if  a 
rock  had  not  stood  near,  the  viceroy's  career 
might  have  ended  there.  A  Huron  came  to 
the  rescue  and  carried  the  helpless  viceroy  to 
the  other  side.  The  sufferings  of  the  army 
were  increased  by  a  scarcity  of  food.  The 
troops  were  famishing.  Luckily  they  came 
upon  some  chestnut-trees  and  stayed  their 
hunger  with  the  nuts. 

At  last,  on  October  15,  the  scouts  reported 
that  the  Mohawk  settlements  were  near  at 
hand.  It  was  late  in  the  day,  darkness  was 
setting  in,  and  a  storm  of  wind  and  rain  was 
raging.  But  Tracy  decided  to  push  on.  They 
marched  all  night,  and  in  the  morning, 
emerging  from  the  woods,  saw  before  them 
the  first  of  the  Mohawk  towns  or  villages. 
Without  allowing  a  moment's  pause,  the 

from  a  painting  in  Laval  University,  Quebec 


viceroy  ordered  an  advance.  The  roll  of  the 
drums  seemed  to  give  the  troops  new  strength 
and  ardour;  French,  Canadians,  and  Indians  ran 
forward  to  the  assault.  The  Mohawks,  apprised 
of  the  coming  attack,  had  determined  before- 
hand to  make  a  stand  and  had  sent  their 
women  and  children  to  another  village.  But, 
at  the  sight  of  the  advancing  army,  whose 
numbers  appeared  to  them  three  times  as 
great  as  they  really  were,  and  at  the  sound  of 
the  drums,  like  the  voice  of  demons,  they 
fled  panic-stricken.  The  first  village  was 
taken  without  striking  a  blow.  The  viceroy 
immediately  ordered  a  march  against  the 
second,  which  was  also  found  abandoned. 
Evidently  the  Iroquois  were  terrified,  for  a 
third  village  was  taken  in  the  same  way, 
without  a  show  of  defence.  It  was  thought 
that  the  invaders'  task  was  finished,  when 
an  Algonquin  squaw,  once  a  captive  of  the 
Iroquois,  informed  Courcelle  that  there  were 
two  other  villages.  The  soldiers  pushed  for- 
ward, and  the  fourth  settlement  of  the  ever- 
vanishing  enemy  fell  undefended  into  the 
hands  of  the  French.  The  sun  was  setting; 
the  exertions  of  the  day  and  of  the  night  before 
had  been  arduous,  and  it  seemed  impossible 
to  go  farther.  But  the  squaw,  seizing  a  pistol 

G.I.  C 


and  grasping  Courcelle's  hand,  said,  '  Come 
on,  I  will  show  you  the  straight  path.'  And 
she  led  the  way  to  the  town  and  fort  of 
Andaraque,  the  most  important  stronghold  of 
the  Mohawks.  It  was  surrounded  with  a 
triple  palisade  twenty  feet  high  and  flanked  by 
four  bastions.  Vessels  of  bark  full  of  water 
were  distributed  on  the  platforms  behind  the 
palisade  ready  for  use  against  fire.  The 
Iroquois  might  have  made  a  desperate  stand 
there,  and  such  had  been  their  intention. 
But  their  courage  failed  them  at  the  fearful 
beating  of  the  drums  and  the  appearance  of 
that  mighty  army,  and  they  sought  safety  in 

The  victory  was  now  complete,  and  the  army 
could  go  to  rest  after  nearly  twenty-four  hours 
of  continuous  exertion.  Next  morning  the 
French  were  astonished  at  the  sight  of 
Andaraque  in  the  light  of  the  rising  sun. 
Instead  of  a  collection  of  miserable  wigwams, 
they  saw  a  fine  Indian  town,  with  wooden 
houses,  some  of  them  a  hundred  and  twenty 
feet  long  and  with  lodging  for  eight  or  nine 
families.  These  houses  were  well  supplied 
with  provisions,  tools,  and  utensils.  An 
immense  quantity  of  Indian  corn  and  other 
necessaries  was  stored  in  Andaraque — '  food 


,     *^- — • 
enough  to  feed  Canada  for  ten  years  *— and 

in  the  surrounding  fields  a  plentiful  crop  was 
ready  for  harvest.  All  this  was  to  be  de- 
stroyed ;  but  first  an  impressive  ceremony  had 
to  be  performed.  The  army  was  drawn  up  in 
battle  array.  A  French  officer,  Jean-Baptiste 
Dubois,  commander  of  the  artillery,  advanced, 
sword  in  hand,  to  the  front,  and  in  the  presence 
of  Tracy  and  Courcelle,  declared  that  he  was 
directed  by  M.  Jean  Talon,  king's  counsellor 
and  intendanLof  justice,  police,  and  finance  for 
NgwJFrance,  to  take  possession  of  Andaraque, 
and  of  all  the  country  of  the  Mohawks,  in  the 
name  of  the  king.  A  cross  was  solemnly 
planted  alongside  a  post  bearing  the  king's 
coat  of  arms.  Mass  was  celebrated  and  the 
Te  Deum  sung.  Then  the  work  of  destruc- 
tion began.  The  palisades,  the  dwellings,  the 
bastions,  the  stores  of  grain  and  provisions, 
except  what  was  needed  by  the  invaders,  the 
standing  crops — all  were  set  on  fire ;  and 
when  night  fell  the  glaring  illumination  of 
that  tremendous  blaze  told  the  savages  that 
at  last  New  France  had  asserted  her  power, 
and  that  the  soldiers  of  the  great  king  had 
come  far  enough  through  forest  and  over 
mountain  and  stream  to  chastise  in  their  own 
country  the  bloodthirsty  tribes  who  for  a 


quarter  of  a  century  had  been  the  terror  of 
the  growing  settlements  on  the  St  Lawrence. 

On  their  return  march  the  troops  suffered 
great  hardships.  A  storm  on  Lake  Champlain 
upset  two  boats  and  eight  men  were  drowned. 
Tracy  reached  Quebec  on  November  5.  The 
expedition  had  lasted  seven  weeks,  during  which 
time  he  had  covered  nine  hundred  miles.  The 
news  of  his  success  had  been  received  with 
joy.  Since  the  first  days  of  October  the  whole 
colony  had  been  praying  for  victory.  As  soon 
as  the  destruction  of  the  Iroquois  towns  was 
known,  prayers  were  changed  to  thanksgiving. 
The  Te  Deum  was  solemnly  chanted,  and  on 
November  14  a  mass  was  said  in  the  church  of 
Notre-Dame-de-Quebec,  followed  by  a  proces- 
sion in  gratiarum  actionem.  New  France 
might  well  rejoice.  A  great  result  had  been 
attained.  True  it  was  that  the  Mohawks, 
panic-stricken,  had  not  been  met  and  crushed 
in  a  set  encounter.  None  the  less  they  had 
had  their  lesson.  They  had  learned  that 
distance  and  natural  impediments  were  no 
protection  against  the  French.  Their  towns 
were  a  heap  of  ashes,  their  fields  were  despoiled, 
their  country  was  ruined.  The  fruit  of  that 
expedition  was  to  be  eighteen  years  of  peace 
for  New  France.  Eighteen  years  of  peace 


after  twenty-five  years  of  murderous  incursions! 
Was  not  that  worth  a  Te  Deum  ? 

After  his  return  Tracy  ordered  one  of  the 
Iroquois  detained  at  Quebec  to  be  hanged  as 
a  penalty  for  his  share  in  the  murder  of  the 
French  hunters.  He  then  directed  three  other 
prisoners,  the  Flemish  Batard  1  and  two  Oneida 
chiefs,  to  go  and  inform  their  respective  tribes 
that  he  would  give  them  four  months  to  send 
hostages  and  make  peace  ;  otherwise  he  would 
lead  against  them  another  expedition  more 
calamitous  for  their  country  than  the  first  one. 
At  length,  in  the  month  of  July  of  the  follow- 
ing year,  ambassadors  of  the  Iroquois  nations 
arrived  at  Quebec  with  a  number  of  Iroquois 
families  who  were  to  remain  as  hostages  in 
the  colony.  The  chiefs  asked  that  missionaries 
be  sent  to  reside  among  their  tribes.  This 
petition  was  granted.  New  France  could  now 
breathe  freely.  The  hatchet  was  buried. 

;  A  half-breed  Mohawk  leader. 



TRACY  had  led  a  successful  expedition  against 
the  Iroquois  and  coerced  them  into  a  lasting 
peace.  He  had  seen  order  and  harmony 
restored  in  the  government  of  the  colony. 
His  mission  was  over  and  he  left  Canada  on 
August  28,  1667,  Courcelle  remaining  as 
governor  and  Talon  as  intendant.  From  that 
moment  the  latter,  though  second  in  rank, 
became  really  the  first  official  of  New  France, 
if  we  consider  his  work  in  its  relation  to  the 
future  welfare  of  the  colony. 

We  have  already  seen  something  of  his 
vjews^for  the  administration  of  New  France. 
He  would  have  it  emancipated  from  the  juris- 
diction ofTHe~West  India  Company  ;  he  tried 
also  to  impress  on  the  king  and  his  minister  the 
advisability  of  augmenting  the  population  in 
order  to  develop  the  resources  of  the  colony — 
in  a  word,  he  sought  to  lay  the  foundations 
of  a  flourishing  state.  Undoubtedly  Colbert 


wished  to  help  and  strengthen  New  France,  but 
he  seemed  to  think  that  Talon's  aim  was  too 
ambitious. .-  In  one  of  his  letters  the  intendant 
had  gone  the  length  of  submitting  a  plan  for 
the   acquisition    of    New    Netherlands,    which 
had  been  conquered  by  the  English  in  1664. 
He  suggested  that,  in  the  negotiations  for  peace 
between  France,  England,  and  Holland,  Louis 
XIV   might   stipulate   for   the   restoration   to 
Holland  of  its  colony,  and  in  the  meantime 
come  to  an  understanding  with  the   States- 
General  for  its  cession  to  France.     Annexation 
to  Canada  would  follow.    But  Colbert  thought  / 
that  Talon  was  too  bold.    The  intendant  had? 
spoken  of  New  France  as  likely  to  become  a  J 
great  kingdom.     In  answer,  the  minister  said 
that  the  king  saw  many  obstacles  to  the  fulfil- 
ment of  these  expectations.     To  create  on  the 
shores  of  the  St  Lawrence  an  important  state 
"would  require  much  emigration  from  France, 
and  it  would  not  be  wise  to  draw  so  many  people7'  « 
from  the  kingdom — to  'unpeople  France  for 
the  purpose  of  peopling  Canada.'     Moreover, 
if  too  many  colonists  came  to  Canada  in  one 
season,    the   area    already    under    cultivation^ 
would  not  produce  enough  to  feed  the  increasecj/ 
population,  and  great  hardship  would  follow. 
Evidently  Colbert  did  not  here  display  his  usual 


L_  insight.  Talon  jiever  had  in  mind  the  un- 
peopling of  France.  He  .meant  simply  that 
if~the  home  government  would  undertake  to 

s~erid  out  a  few  hundred  settlers  every 

result  woulcf  be  the  creation  of  a  strong  and 
prosperous  nation  on  th"e~"shores~Qf  tfifi  St 

^MM^MMdBHhMMlMhAMi^^^^^^fl^^^lR^*M<HB*MM^"''rHMWM"MMHa<     "    '  '  •       •  • 

Lawrence* ,  The  addition  of  five  hundred  immi- 
grants annually  during  the  whole  period  of 
Louis  XIV's  reign  would  have  given  Canada 
in  1700  a  population  of  five  hundred  thousand. 
It  was  thought  that  the  mother  country  could 
not  spare  so  many  ;  and  yet  the  cost  in  men 
to  France  of  a  single  battle,  the  bloody  victory 
of  Senef  in  1674,  was  eight  thousand  French 
soldiers.  The  wars  of  Louis  XIV  killed  ten 
times  more  men  than  the  systematic  coloniza- 
tion of  Canada  would  have  taken  from  the 
mother  country.  XhcL^e^on^c^jectioji-raised 
by  Colbert  was  no  better  founded  thatutha  first. 
Talon  did  not  ask  for  the  immigration  of  more 
colonists  than  the  country  could  feed.  But 
he  rightly  thought  that  with  peace  assured 
the  colonvjcould  produce_fopd  enough  for  a 
very  -"r""Tr"  ^~~  ' 

m  production  would  speedily  follow  increase  in 
numbexs- — 

It  must  not  be  supposed  that  Colbert^was 
indlSerignt  to  the  development  of  New  France. 


No  other  minister  of  the  French  king  did  more 
Tor~  Canada.  It  was  under  his  administration 
that  the  strength  whicIfenaDled  the  colony "" 
so  long  to  survive  its  subsequent  trials  was 
acquired.  But  Colbert  was  entangled  in  the 
intricacies  of  European  politics.  Obliged  to 
co-operate  in  ventures  which  in  his  heart 
he  condemned,  and  which  disturbed  him  in  his 
work  of  financial  and  administrative  reform, 
hejyjeldeH  snmpHmAg  fr>  the  fear  nf  weakening 
the  trunk  of  the  old  tree  by  encouraging  the 
growth  of  the  young  shoots. 

Talon  had  to  give  in.  But  he  did  so  in  such 
a  way  as  to  gain  his  point  in  part.  He  wrote 
that  he  would  speak  no  more  of  the  great 
establishment  he  had  thought  possible,  since 
the  minister  was  of  opinion  that  France  had  no 
excess  of  population  which  could  be  used  for 
the  peopling  of  Canada.  4t  the  same  time 
he  insisted  on  the  necessity  of  helping  the 
jglony.  and  assured  Colbert  fli^t,  cmild  hf*  him-  _ 
self  see  Canada,  he  would  be  disposed  ta-4o- 
his  utmost  for  it,  knowing  that  a  new  country 
cannot  make  its  own  way  without  being  helped 
effectivejvjitjhe  outset.  Talon's,  tact  and  firm- 
ness  of  purpose  had  their  rewardy  for  ihe-nexL 
year  Colbert  gave  ample  proof  that  he  under- 
stood Canada's  situation  and  requirements. 


On  the  question  of  the  WfiSt.  India  Company 
/  also  there  was  some  divergence  of  view  be- 
tween the  minister  and  the  intendant.  As  we 
have  seen  in  a  preceding  chapter,  Talon  had 
expressed  his  apprehension  of  the  evils  likely 
to  spring  from  the  wide  privileges  exercised  by 
the  company.  But  this  trading  association  was 
Colbert's  creation.  He  had  contended  that 
ttie  failure  of  the  One  Hundred  Associates  was 
due  to  inherent  weakness.  The  new  one  was 
stronger  and  could  do  better.  Perhaps  diffi- 
culties might  arise  in  the  beginning  on  account 
of  the  inexperience  and  greed  of  some  of  the 
company's  agents,  but  with  time  the  situation 
would  improve.  It  was  not  surprising  that 
Colbert  should  defend  the  company  he  had 
organized.  Nevertheless,  on  that  point  as 
on  the  other,  Colbert  contrlvedto  meet  Talon 
half-way.  The  Indian  trade,  he  said,  would 
be  openeH  to  the  colonists,  and  for  one  year  J;he 
company  would  grant  freedom  of  trade  gener- 
ally to  all  the  people  of  New  France. 

In  connection  with  the  rights"  of  this  com- 
pany another  question,  affecting  the  finances, 
was  soon  to  arise.  By  its  charter  the  company 
was  entitled  to  collect  the  revenues  of  the 
colony  ;  that  is  to  say,  the  taxes  levied  on  the 
sale  of  beaver  and  moose  skins.  The  tax  on 


beaver  skins  was  twenty-five  per  cent,  called 
le  droit  du  quart;  the  tax  on  moose  skins 
was  two  sous  per  pound,  le  droit  du  dixi&me. 
There  was  also  the  revenue  obtained  from  the 
sale  or  farming  out  of  the  trading  privileges  at 
Tadoussac,  la  traite  de  Tadoussac.  All  these 
formed  what  was  called 

public  fund,  out  of  which  were  paid  the  emolu- 
ments of  the  governor  and  the  public  officers", 
the  costs  of  the  garrisons  at  Quebec,  Montreal, 
and  Three  Rivers,  the  grants  to  religious  com- 
munities, and  other  permanent  yearly  disburse-^ 
ments*     The  company  had  the  right  to  collect  | 
the  taxes,  but  was  obliged  to  pay  the  publicJ 


Writing  to  Colbert,  Talon  said  he  would  have 
been  greatly  pleased  if,  in  addition  to  these 
rights,  the  king  had  retained  the  fiscal  powers  of 
the  crown.  He  declared  that  the  taxes  were  pro- 
ductive, yet  the  company's  agent  seemed  very 
reluctant  to  pay  the  public  charges.  Colbert, 
of  course,  decided  that  the  company,  in  accord- 
anclPwith  its  charter,  was  entitled  to  enjoy 
the  fiscal  rights  upon  condition  of  defraying 
annually  theordinar^_gublic  expenditure  of 
file  country,  as  jhe  company  which  preceded 
if  had  ctonS Immediately  another  ]>oint  was 
raised.  What  should  be  the  amount  of  the 


public  expenditure,  or  rather,  to  what  figure 
should  the  company  be  allowed  to  reduce  it  ? 
Talon  maintained  that  the  public  charges 
defrayed  by  the  former  company  amounted 
to  48,950  livres.1  The  company's  agent  con- 
tended that  they  amounted  only  to  29,200 
livres  and  that  the  sum  of  48,950  livres  was 
exorbitant,  as  it  exceeded  by  4000  livres  the 
highest  sum  ever  received  from  farming  out 
the  revenue.2  To  this  the  intendant  replied 
by  submitting  evidence  that  the  rights  were 
farmed  out  for  50,000  livres  in  1660  and  in 
1663  ;  moreover,  the  rights  were  more  valuable 
now,  for  with  the  conclusion  of  peace  trade 
would  prosper.  In  the  end  Colbert  decided 
that  the  sum  payable  by  the  company  should  be 
36,000  livres  annually.  The  ordinary  revenue 
of  New  France  was  thus  fixed,  and  remained 
at  that  sum  for  many  years. 

It  must  not  be  supposed  that  this  revenue 
was  sufficient  to  meet  all  the  expenses  con- 
nected with  the  defence  and  development  of 

1  The  livre  was  equivalent  to  the  later  franc,  about  twenty 
cents  of  modern  Canadian  currency. 

2  It  was  the  custom  in  New  France  to  sell  or  farm  out  the 
revenues.      Instead  of  collecting-  direct  the  fur  taxes  and  the 
proceeds   of  the    Tadoussac  trade,    the    government   granted 
the  rights  to  a  corporation  or  a  private  individual  in  return  for  9 
fixed  sum  annually. 


the  colony.  There  was  an  extraordinary  fund 
provided  by  the  king's  treasury  and  devoted 
to  the  movement  and  maintenance  of  the 
troops,  the  payment  of  certain  special  emolu- 
ments, the  transport  of  new  settlers,  horses, 
and  sheep,  the  construction  of  forts,  the  pur- 
chase and  shipment  of  supplies.  In  1665  this 
extraordinary  budget  amounted  to  35  8,  ooolivres. 

Talon's  energetic  action  on  the  question  of 
the  revenue  was  inspired  by  his  knowledge  of 
the  public  needs.  He  knew  that  many  things 
requiring  money  had  to  be  done.  A  new 
country  like  Canada  could  not  be  opened  -up 
for  settlement  without  expense,  and  he  thought 
that  the  traders  who  reaped  the  benefit  of 
their  monopoly  should  pay  their  due  share  of 
the  outlay. 

We  have  already  seen  that  Talon  had  begun 
the  establishment  of  three  villages  in  the 
vicinity  of  Quebec.  Let  us  briefly  enumerate 
the  principles  which  guided  him  in  erecting 
these  settlements.  First  of  all,  in  deference  to 
the  king's  instructions  relative  to  concentration, 
he  contrived  to  plant  the  new  villages  as  near 
as  possible  to  the  capital,  and  evolved  a  plan 
which  would  group  the  settlers  about  a  central 
point  and  thus  provide  for  their  mutual  help 
and  defence.  In  pursuance  of  this  plan  he 


made  all  his  Charlesbourg  land  grants  triangu- 
lar, narrow  at  the  head,  wide  at  the  base,  so 
that  the  houses  erected  at  the  head  were  near 
each  other  and  formed  a  square  in  the  centre 
of  the  settlement.  In  this  arrangement  there 
was  originality  and '"good  sense,  ^.fter  more 
than  two  centuries,  Talon's  idea  remains 
stamped  on  the  soil ;  and  the  plans  of  the 
Charlesbourg  villages  as  surveyed  in  our  owrT 
days^show  jfotiacily_ihe  form  of  settlement] 
adpptedjby  the  intendant., 

Proper  dwellings  were  made  ready  to  recer 
the  new-comers.  Then  Talon  proceeded  with 
the  establishment  of  settlers.  To  his  great  joy 
some  soldiers  applied  for  grants.  He  made 
a  point  of  having  skilled  workmen,  some, 
if  possible,  in  each  village — carpenters,  shoe- 
makers, masons,  or  other  artisans,  whose 
services  would  be  useful  to  all.  He  tried  also 
to  induce  habitants  of  earlier  date  to  join 
the  new  settlements,  where  their  experience' 
would  be  a  guide  and  their  methods  an  object-f 
lesson  to  beginners. 

The  grants  were  made  on  very  generoi 
terms.     The  soldiers  and  habitants,  on  takini 
possession  of  their  land,  received  a  substanl 
supply  of  food  and  the  tools  necessary  for  theii 
work.     They  were  to  be  paid  for  clearing  an< 


tilling  the  first  two  acres.  In  return  each  was 
bound  by  his  deed  to  clear  and  prepare  for 
cultivation  during  the  three  or  four  following 
years  another  two  acres,  which  could  after- 
wards be  allotted  to  an  incoming  settler. 
Talon  proposed  also  that  they  should  be  bound 
to  military  service.  For  each  new-comer  the 
king  assumed  the  total  expense  of  clearing  two 
acres,  erecting  a  house,  preparing  and  sowing 
the  ground,  and  providing  flour  until  a  crop 
was  reaped — all  on  condition  that  the  occupant 
should  clear  and  cultivate  two  additional  acres 
within  three  or  four  years,  presumably  for 
allotment  to  the  next  new-comer. 

Such    were    the    broad    lines    of    Talon's 
colonization  policy.     But  to  his  mind  it  was 
not  enough  that  he  should  make  regulations 
,     and  issue  orders  ;    he  would  set  up  a  model 
farm  himself  and  thus  be  an  example  in  his 
own  person.     He  bought  land  in  the  neigh- 
bourhood  of   the   St   Charles   river   and   had 
I    the  ground   cleared  at  his  own  expense.     He 
!    erected  thereon  a  large  house,  a  barn,  and 
other  buildings  ;  and,  in  course  of  time,  his 
fine    property,    comprising    cultivated    fields, 
f    meadows,    and    gardens,    and    well    stocked 
\    with  domestic  animals,  became  a  source  of 
pride  to  him. 


Under  Talpn'sjvisejlirectipn  and  encourage, 
merit,  the"  settlement  of  the  Country  progressed 
rapidly.  Now  that  they  could  work  in  safety, 
the  colonists  set  themselves  to  the  task  of  clear, 
ing  new  farms.  In  his  Relation  of  1668  Father 
Tie  Mercier  wrote :  '  It  is  fine  to  see  new  settle- 
ments  on  each  side  of  the  St  Lawrence  for  a 
distance  of  eighty  leagues.  .  ,  .  The  fear  of 
aggression  no  longer  prevents  our  farmers 
from  encroaching  on  the  forest  and  harvesting 
all  kinds  of  grain,  which  the  soil  here  grows  as 
well  as  in  France.'  In  the  district  of  Montreal 
there  was  great  activity.  It  was  during  this 
period  that  the  lands  of  Longue-Pointe,  of 
Pointe-aux-Trembles,  and  of  Lachine  were  first 
cultivated.  At  the  same  time,  along  the  river 
Richelieu,  in  the  vicinity  of  Forts  Chambly 
and  Sorel,  officers  and  soldiers  of  the  Carignan- 
Salieres  regiment  were  beginning  to  settle. 
'  These  worthy  gentlemen,'  wrote  Mother 
Marie  de  1' Incarnation,  '  are  at  work,  with  the 
king's  permission,  establishing  new  French 
colonies.  They  live  on  their  farm  produce, 
for  they  have  oxen,  cows,  and  poultry.'  A 
census  taken  in  1668  gave  very  satisfactory 
figures.  A  year  before  there  had  been  11,448 
acres  under  cultivation.  That  year  there  were 
15,649,  and  wheat  production  amounted  to 


130,978  bushels.     Such  results  were  encourag- 
ing.    What  a  change  in  three  years  ! 

One  of  the  commodities  most  needed  in  the 
colony  was  hemp,  for  making  coarser-cloth. 
Talon  accordingly  caused  several  acres  to  be 
sown  with  hemp.  The  seed  was  gathered  and 
distributed  among  a  number  of  farmers,  on 
the  understanding  that  they  would  bring  back 
an  equal  quantity  of  seed  next  year.  Then  he 
took  a  very  energetic  step.  He  seized  all  the 
thread  in  the  shops  and  gave  notice  that 
nobody  could  procure  thread  except  in  ex- 
change for  hemp.  In  a  word,  he  created  a 
monopoly  of  thread  to  promote  the  production 
of  hemp  ;  and  the  policy  was  successful.  In 
many  other  ways  the  intendant's  activity  and 
zeal  for  the  public  good  manifested  themselves. 
He  favoured  the  development  of  the  St  Law- 
rence fisheries  and  encouraged  some  of  the 
colonists  to  devote  their  labour  to  them.  Cod- 
fishing  was  attempted  with  good  results. 
Shipbuilding  was  another  industry  of  his  in- 
troduction. In  1666,  always  desirous  of  set- 
ting an  example,  he  built  a  small  craft  of 
one  hundred  and  twenty  tons.  Later,  he  had 
the  gratification  of  informing  Colbert  that 
a  Canadian  merchant  was  building  a  vessel 
for  the  purpose  of  fishing  in  the  lower  St 

G.I.  D 


Lawrence.  During  the  following  year  six 
or  seven  ships  were  built  at  Quebec.  The 
Relation  of  1667  states  that  Talon  €  took 
pains  to  find  wood  fit  for  shipbuilding,  which 
has  been  begun  by  the  construction  of  a  barge 
found  very  useful  and  of  a  big  ship  ready  to 

In  building  and  causing  ships  to  be  built  the 
intendant  had  in  view  the  extension  of  the 
colony's  trade.  One  of  his  schemes  was  to 
establish  regular  commercial  intercourse  be- 
tween Canada,  the  West  Indies,  and  France. 
The  ships  of  La  Rochelle,  Dieppe,  and  Havre, 
after  unloading  at  Quebec,  would  carry 
Canadian  products  to  the  French  West  Indies, 
where  they  would  load  cargoes  of  sugar  for 
France.  The  intendant,  always  ready  to  show 
the  way,  entered  into  partnership  with  a 
merchant  and  shipped  to  the  West  Indies 
salmon,  eels,  salt  and  dried  cod,  peas,  staves, 
fish-oil,  planks,  and  small  masts  much  needed 
in  the  islands.  The  establishment  of  com- 
mercial relations  between  Canada  and  the  West 
Indies  was  an  event  of  no  small  moment. 
During  the  following  years  this  trade  proved 
important.  In  1670  three  ships  built  at 
Quebec  were  sent  to  the  islands  with  cargoes 
of  fish,  oil,  peas,  planks,  barley,  and  flour.  In 


1672  two  ships  made  the  same  voyage ;  and  in 
1 68 1  Talon's  successor,  the  intendant  Duches- 
neau,  wrote  to  the  minister  that  every  year 
since  his  arrival  two  vessels  at  least  (in  one 
year  four)  had  left  Quebec  for  the  West  Indies 
with  Canadian  products. 

The  intendant  was  a  busy  man.  (The  scope 
of  his  activity  included  the  discovery  and 
development  of  mines.  There  had  been  re- 
ports of  finding  lead  at  Gaspe,  and  the  West 
India  Company  had  made  an  unsuccessful 
search  there.  At  Baie  Saint -Paul  below 
Quebec  iron  orejggas..  ^Jiscovere4,  and  it  was 
thought  tlialf  copper  and  silver  also  would  be 
found  at  the  same  place.  In  1667  Father 
Allouez  returned  from  the  upper  Ottawa, 
bringing  fragments  of  copper  which  he  had 
detached  from  stones  on  the  shores  of  Lake 
Huron.  Engineers  sent  by  the  intendant  re- 
ported favourably  of  the  coal-mines  in  Cape 
Breton ;  the  specimens  tested  were  deemed 
to  be  of  very  good  quality.  In  this  connection 
may  be  mentioned  a  mysterious  allusion  in 
Talon's  correspondence  to  the  existence  of 
coal  where  none  is  now  to  be  found.  In  1667 
he  wrote  to  Colbert  that  a  coal-mine  had  been 
discovered  at  the  foot  of  the  Quebec  rock. 
*  This  coal,'  he  said,  '  is  good  enough  for  the 


forge.  If  the  test  is  satisfactory,  I  shall  see 
that  our  vessels  take  loads  of  it  to  serve  as 
ballast.  It  would  be  a  great  help  in  our  naval 
construction  ;  we  could  then  do  without  the 
English  coal.'  Next  year  the  intendant  wrote 
again :  '  The  coal-mine  opened  at  Quebec, 
which  originated  in  the  cellar  of  a  lower -town 
resident  and  is  continued  through  the  cape 
under  the  Chateau  Saint-Louis,  could  not  be 
worked,  I  fear,  without  imperilling  the  stability 
of  the  chateau.  However,  I  shall  try  to  follow 
another  direction ;  for,  notwithstanding  the 
excellent  mine  at  Cape  Breton,  it  would  be  a 
capital  thing  for  the  ships  landing  at  Quebec 
to  find  coal  here.'  Is  there  actually  a  coal- 
mine at  Quebec  hidden  in  the  depth  of  the  rock 
which  bears  now  on  its  summit  Dufferin 
Terrace  and  the  Chateau  Frontenac  ?  We  have 
before  us  Talon's  official  report.  He  asserts 
positively  that  coal  was  found  there — coal 
which  was  tested,  which  burned  well  in  the 
forge.  What  has  become  of  the  mine,  and 
where  is  that  coal  ?  Nobody  at  the  present 
day  has  ever  heard  of  a  coal-mine  at  Quebec, 
and  the  story  seems  incredible.  But  Talon's 
letter  is  explicit.  No  satisfactory  explanation 
has  yet  been  suggested,  and  we  confess  in* 
ability  to  offer  one  here. 


While  reviewing  the  great  intendant's 
activities,  we  must  not  fail  to  mention  the 
brewing  industry  in  which  he  took  the  lead. 
In  1668  he  erected  a  brewery  near  the  river 
St  Charles,  on  the  spot  at  the  foot  of  the  hill 
where  stood  in  later  years  the  intendant's 
palace.  He  meant  in  this  way  to  help  the 
grain-growers  by  taking  part  of  their  surplus 
product,  and  also  to  do  something  to  check 
the  increasing  importation  of  spirits  which 
caused  so  much  trouble  and  disorder.  How- 
ever questionable  the  efficacy  of  beer  in  pro- 
moting temperance,  Talon's  object  is  worthy 
of  applause.  Three  years  later  the  intendant 
wrote  that  his  brewery  was  capable  of  turning 
out  two  thousand  hogsheads  of  beer  for 
exportation  to  the  West  Indies  and  two 
thousand  more  for  home  consumption.  To 
do  this  it  would  require  over  twelve  thousand 
bushels  of  grain  annually,  and  would  be  a 
great  support  to  the  farmers.  In  the  mean- 
time he  had  planted  hops  on  his  farm  and  was 
raising  good  crops. 

Talon's  buoyant  reports  and  his  incessant 
entreaties  for  a  strong  and  active  colonial 
policy  could  not  fail  to  enlist  the  sympathy  of 
two  such  statesmen  as  Louis  XIV  and  Colbert. 
This  is  perhaps  the  only  period  in  earlier 


Canadian  history  during  which  the  home 
government  steadily  followed  a  wise  and 

,  energetic  policy  of  developing  and  strengthen- 
ing the  colony.  We  have  seen  that  Colbert 
hesitated  at  first  to  encourage  emigration,  but 
he  had  yielded  somewhat  before  Talon's  urgent 

:  representations,  and  from  1665  to  1671  there 
was  an  uninterrupted  influx  of  Canadian 
settlers.  It  is  recorded  in  a  document  written 
by  Talon  himself  that  in  1665  tne  West  India 
Company  brought  to  Canada  for  the  king's 
account  429  men  and  100  young  women,  and 
184  men  and  92  women  in  1667.  During 
these  seven  years  there  were  in  all  1828  state- 
aided  immigrants  to  Canada.  The  young 
women  were  carefully  selected,  and  it  was 
the  king's  wish  that  they  should  marry 
promptly,  in  order  that  the  greatest  possible 
number  of  new  families  should  be  founded. 
As  a  matter  of  fact,  the  event  was  in  accord- 
ance with  the  king's  wish.  In  1665  Mother 
Marie  de  1' Incarnation  wrote  that  the  hundred 
girls  arrived  that  year  were  nearly  all  provided 
with  husbands.  In  1667  she  wrote  again : 
'  This  year  ninety-two  girls  came  from  France 
and  they  are  already  married  to  soldiers  and 
labourers.'  In  1670  one  hundred  and  fifty 
girls  arrived,  and  Talon  wrote  on  November  10  : 


'  All  the  girls  who  came  this  year  are  married, 
except  fifteen  whom  I  have  placed  in  well- 
known  families  to  await  the  time  when  the 
soldiers  who  sought  them  for  their  wives  are 
established  and  able  to  maintain  them.'  It 
was  indeed  a  matrimonial  period,  and  it  is 
not  surprising  that  marriage  was  the  order  of 
the  day.  Every  incentive  to  that  end  was 
brought  to  bear.  The  intendant  gave  fifty 
livres  in  household  supplies  and  some  pro- 
visions to  each  young  woman  who  contracted 
marriage.  According  to  the  king's  decree, 
each  youth  who  married  at  or  before  the  age 
of  twenty  was  entitled  to  a  gift  of  twenty 
livres,  called  '  the  king's  gift.'  The  same 
decree  imposed  a  penalty  upon  all  fathers  who 
had  not  married  their  sons  at  twenty  and  their 
daughters  at  sixteen.  In  the  same  spirit,  it 
enacted  also  that  all  Canadians  having  ten 
children  living  should  be  entitled  to  a  pension 
of  three  hundred  livres  annually  ;  four  hundred 
livres  was  the  reward  for  twelve.  '  Marry 
early  '  was  the  royal  mandate.  Colbert,  writing 
to  Talon  in  1668,  says  :  '  I  pray  you  to  com- 
mend it  to  the  consideration  of  the  whole 
people,  that  their  prosperity,  their  subsistence, 
and  all  that  is  dear  to  them,  depend  on  al  / 
general  resolution,  never  to  be  departed  from, 


to  marry  youths  at  eighteen  or  nineteen  years 
and  girls  at  fourteen  or  fifteen  ;    since  abund- 
*x"    ance  can  never  come  to  them  except  through 
the  abundance  of  men.'     And  this  was  not 
enough ;   Colbert  went  on  :    '  Those  who  may 
seem  to  have  absolutely  renounced  marriage 
should  be  made  to  bear  additional  burdens, 
and  be  excluded  from  all  honours  ;  it  would  be 
7     well  even  to  add  some  mark  of  infamy.'     The 
unfortunate    bachelor    seems    to    have    been 
^    *  treated    somewhat    as    a    public    malefactor. 
jTalon  issued  an  order  forbidding  unmarried 
wuolontaires  to    hunt  with  the  Indians  or  go 
pinto  the  woods,  if  they  did  not  marry  fifteen 
days  after  the  arrival  of  the  ships  from  France. 
And  a  case  is  recorded  of  one  Francois  Lenoir, 
of    Montreal,    who    was    brought    before    the 
judge  because,  being  unmarried,  he  had  gone 
to  trade  with  the  Indians.     He  pleaded  guilty, 
and  pledged  himself  to  marry  next  year  after 
the  arrival  of  the  ships,  or  failing  that,  to  give 
one  hundred  and  fifty  livres  to  the  church  of 
Montreal  and  a  like  sum  to  the  hospital.     He 
kept  his  money  and  married  within  the  term, 
i       The  matrimonial  zeal  of  Colbert  and  Talon 
did    not    slight    the    noblemen    and    officers. 
,  Captain  de  la  Mothe,  marrying  and  taking  up 
vAhis    abode   in   the   country,    received    sixteen 


hundred  livres.  During  the  years  1665-68 
six  thousand  livres  were  expended  to  aid  the 
marriage  of  young  gentlewomen  without  means, 
and  six  thousand  to  enable  four  captains,  three 
lieutenants,  five  ensigns,  and  a  few  minor 
officers  to  settle  and  marry  in  the  colony. 

A  word  must  be  said  as  to  the  character  of 
the  young  women.  Some  writers  have  cast 
unfair  aspersions  upon  the  girls  sent  out  from 
France  to  marry  in  Canada.  After  a  serious 
study  of  the  question,  we  are  in  a  position  to  " 
state  that  these  girls  were  most  carefully 
selected.  Some  of  them  were  orphans  reared 
in  charitable  institutions  under  the  king's 
protection  ;  they  were  called  les  filles  du  roi. 
The  rest  belonged  to  honest  families,  and  their 
parents,  overburdened  with  children,  were 
willing  to  send  them  to  a  new  country  where 
they  would  be  well  provided  for.  In  1670 
Colbert  wrote  to  the  archbishop  of  Rouen : 
*  As  in  the  parishes  about  Rouen  fifty  or  sixty 
girls  might  be  found  who  would  be  very  glad 
to  go  to  Canada  to  be  married,  I  beg  you  to 
employ  your  credit  and  authority  with  the 
cures  of  thirty  or  forty  of  these  parishes,  to  / 
try  to  find  in  each  of  them  one  or  two  girls  dis-  V 
posed  to  go  voluntarily  for  the  sake  of  settle- 
ment in  life.'  Such  was  the  quality  of  the 


female  emigration  to  Canada.  The  girls  were 
drawn  from  reputable  institutions,  or  from 
good  peasant  families,  under  the  auspices  of 
the  cures.  During  their  journey  to  Canada 
they  were  under  the  care  and  direction  of 
persons  highly  respected  for  their  virtues  and 
piety,  such  as  Madame  Bourdon,  widow  of 
the  late  attorney-general  of  New  France,  or 
Mademoiselle  Etienne,  who  was  appointed 
governess  of  the  girls  leaving  for  Canada  by 
the  directors  of  the  general  hospital  of  Paris. 
When  young  women  arrived  in  Canada,  they 
were  either  immediately  married  or  placed  for 
a  time  in  good  families. 

The  paternal  policy  of  the  minister  and  the 
intendant  was  favoured  by  the  disbanding  of 
the  Carignan  companies.  In  1668  the  regi- 
ment was  recalled  to  France  ;  four  companies 
only  were  left  in  Canada  to  garrison  the  forts. 
The  officers  and  soldiers  of  the  companies  with- 
drawn were  entreated  to  remain  as  settlers, 
and  about  four  hundred  decided  to  make  their 
home  in  Canada.  They  were  generously  sub- 
sidized. Each  soldier  electing  to  settle  in  the 
colony  received  one  hundred  livres,  or  fifty 
livres  with  provisions  for  one  year,  at  his 
choice.  Each  sergeant  received  one  hundred 
and  fifty  livres,  or  one  hundred  livres  with 


one  year's  provisions.     The  officers  also  were 
given  liberal  endowments.     Among  them  were  : 
Captains  de  Contrecoeur,  de  Saint-Ours,  de  Sorel, 
Dugue  de  Boisbriant,  Lieutenants  Gaultier  de 
Varennes  and  Margane  de  la  Valtrie  ;  Ensigns 
Paul    Dupuis,    Becard    de    Grandville,    Pierre 
Monet  de  Moras,  Frangois  Jarret  de  Vercheres. 
The  strenuous  efforts  of  Colbert  and  Talon 
could  not  but  give  a  great  impulse  to  population.  ~s 
The  increase  was  noticeable.     In   November  V 
1671  Talon  wrote : 

His  Majesty  will  see  by  the  extracts  of 
the  registers  of  baptisms  that  the  number 
of  children  this  year  is  six  or  seven  hundred  ; 
and  in  the  coming  years  we  may  hope  fo 
a  substantial  increase.  There  is  som 
reason  to  believe  that,  without  any  further 
female  immigration,  the  country  will  se 
more  than  one  hundred  marriages  next 
year.  I  consider  it  unnecessary  to  send 
girls  next  year ;  the  better  to  give  the 
habitants  a  chance  to  marry  their  own 
girls  to  soldiers  desirous  of  settling. 
Neither  will  it  be  necessary  to  send  young 
ladies,  as  we  received  last  year  fifteen, 
instead  of  the  four  who  were  needed  for 
wives  of  officers  and  notables. 



In    a    former    chapter    the    population    of 

Canada  in  1665  was  given  as  3215  souls,  and 

]  the   number   of   families   533.     In    1668   the 

I  number  of  families  was  1139  and  the  popula- 

|  tion  6282.     In  three  years  the  population  had 

*  nearly  doubled  and  the  number  of  families  had 

more  than  doubled. 

Other  statistics  may  fittingly  be  given  here. 
During  the  period  under  consideration,  the 
West  India  Company  sent  to  Canada  for  the 
king's  account  many  horses  and  sheep.  These 
were  badly  needed  in  the  colony.  Since  its 
first  settlement  there  had  been  seen  in  New 
France  only  a  single  horse,  one  which  had  been 
presented  by  the  Company  of  One  Hundred 
Associates  to  M.  de  Montmagny,  the  governor 
who  succeeded  Champlain.  But  from  1665 
to  1668  forty-one  mares  and  stallions  and 
eighty  sheep  were  brought  from  France. 
Domestic  animals  continued  to  be  introduced 
until  1672.  Fourteen  horses  and  fifty  sheep 
were  sent  in  1669,  thirteen  horses  in  1670, 
the  same  number  of  horses  and  a  few  asses  in 
1671.  So  that  during  these  seven  years  Canada 
received  from  France  about  eighty  horses. 
Twenty  years  afterwards,  in  1692,  there  were 
four  hundred  horses  in  the  colony.  In  1698 
there  were  six  hundred  and  eighty-four ;  and 


in  1709  the  number  had  so  increased  that  the 
intendant  Raudot  issued  an  ordinance  to  re- 
strain the  multiplication  of  these  animals. 

From  what  has  been  said  it  will  be  seen  tha£\\ 
this  period  of  Canadian  history  was  one  of 
great  progress.  What  Colbert  was  to  France 
Talon  was  to  New  France.  While  the  great 
minister,  in  the  full  light  of  European  publicity, 
was  gaining  fame  as  a  financial  reformer  and 
the  reviver  of  trade  and  industry,  the  sagacious 
and  painstaking  ffintgudajQt_in  his  remote/ 
corner  of  the  globe  was  laying  the  foundations 
of  an  economic  and  political  system,  and 
opening  to  the  young  country  the  road  of 
commercial,  industrial,  and  maritime  progress. 
Talon  was  a  colonial  Colbert.  What  the  latter 
did  in  a  wide  sphere  and  with  ample  means^ 
the  former  was  trying  to  do  on  a  small 
scale  and  with  limited  resources.  Both  have 
deserved  a  place  of  honour  in  Canadian  annals.!^ 




IN  the  preceding  chapter  a  sketch  has  been 
given  of  Talon's  endeavours  to  promote 
colonization,  agriculture,  shipbuilding,  and 
commerce,  to  increase  the  population,  and  to 
foster  generally  the  prosperity  of  New  France. 
Let  us  now  see  how  he  provided  for  the 
good  administration  and  internal  order  of  the 

In  1666  he  had  prepared  and  submitted  to 
Tracy  and  Courcelle  a  series  of  rules  and 
enactments  relating  to  various  important 
matters,  one  of  which  was  the  administration 
of  justice.  Talon  wished  to  simplify  the  pro- 
cedure ;  to  make  justice  speedy,  accessible  to 
all,  and  inexpensive.  In  each  parish  he  pro- 
posed to  establish  judges  having  the  power  to 
hear  and  decide  in  the  first  instance  all  civil 
cases  involving  not  more  than  ten  livres.  In 
addition,  there  would  be  four  judges  at  Quebec, 
and  appeals  might  be  taken  before  three  of 


them  from  all  decisions  given  by  the  local 
judges — 'unless,'  Talon  added,  'it  be  thought 
more  advisable  to  maintain  the  Sieur  Chartier 
in  his  charge  of  lieutenant-general,  to  which 
he  has   been   appointed   by   the  West   India 
Company.'     It  was  decided  that  M.  Chartier 
(de  Lotbiniere)  should  be  so  maintained,  and 
he    was    duly  confirmed    as    lieutenant  civil 
et  criminel  on  January   10,   1667.     He  had 
jurisdiction  in  the  first  instance  over  all  cases 
civil  and  criminal  in  the  Quebec  district  and 
in  appeal  from  the  judgments  of  the  local  or 
seigneurial    judges.     The    Sovereign    Council 
acted  as  a  court  of  appeal  in  the  last  resort, 
except   in   cases   where   the   parties   made   a 
supreme  appeal  to  the  King's  Council  of  State 
in  France.     In  1669  Talon  wrote  a  memor- 
andum in  which  we  find  these  words  :  *  Justice  \ 
is  administered  in  the  first  instance  by  judges  \ 
in  the  seigneuries  ;   then  by  a  lieutenant  civil 
and  criminal   appointed  by   the  company  in  / 
each  of  the  jurisdictions  of  Quebec  and  Three  \ 
Rivers ;  and  above  all  by  the  Sovereign  Council,   1 
which  in  the  last  instance  decides  all  cases 
where  an  appeal  lies.'     At  Montreal  there  was    \ 
a  lieutenant  civil  and  criminal  appointed  by   / 
the   Sulpicians,   seigneurs   of  the  island.     In 
1667   there   were   seigneurial   judges   in   the 


seigneuries  of  Beaupre,  Beauport,  Notre-Dame- 
des-Anges,  Cap-de-la-Magdeleine. 

It  is  interesting  to  find  that  Talon  attempted 
to  establish  a  method  of  settlement  out  of  court, 
the  principle  of  which  was  accepted  by  the 
legislature  of  the  province  of  Quebec  more 
than  two  centuries  later.  What  was  called 
the  amiable  composition  of  the  French  inten- 
dant  may  be  regarded  as  a  first  edition  of  the 
law  passed  at  Quebec  in  1899,  which  provides 
for  conciliation  or  arbitration  proceedings 
before  a  lawsuit  is  begun.1  Talon  also  intro- 
duced an  equitable  system  of  land  registration. 

In  the  proceedings  of  the  Sovereign  Council, 
of  which  Talon  at  this  time  was  the  inspiring 
mind,  we  may  see  reflected  the  condition  and 
internal  life  of  the  colony.  Decrees  for  the 
regulation  of  trade  were  frequent.  Commercial 
freedom  was  unknown.  Under  the  administra- 
tion of  the  governor  Avaugour  (1661-63)  a 
tariff  of  prices  had  been  published,  which  the 
merchants  were  compelled  to  observe.  Again, 
in  1664  the  council  had  decided  that  the 
merchants  might  charge  fifty-five  per  cent 
above  cost  price  on  dry  goods,  one  hundred 
per  cent  on  the  more  expensive  wines  and 
spirits,  and  one  hundred  and  twenty  per  cent  on 

1  62  Viet.  cap.  54,  p.  271. 


the  cheaper,  the  cost  price  in  France  being 
determined  by  the  invoice-bills.  In  1666  a  new 
tariff  was  enacted  by  the  council,  in  which  the 
price  of  one  hogshead  of  Bordeaux  wine  was 
fixed  at  eighty  livres,  and  that  of  Brazil  tobacco 
at  forty  sous  a  pound.  In  1667  again  changes 
took  place :  on  dry  goods  the  merchants  were 
allowed  seventy  per  cent  above  cost ;  on  spirits 
and  wines,  one  hundred  or  one  hundred  and 
twenty  per  cent  as  in  1664.  The  merchants 
did  not  accept  these  rulings  without  protest. 
In  1664  the  most  important  Quebec  trader, 
Charles  Aubert  de  la  Chesnaye,  was  prosecuted 
for  contravention,  and  made  this  bold  declara- 
tion in  favour  of  commercial  freedom :  *  I 
have  always  deemed  that  I  had  a  right  to  the 
free  disposal  of  my  own,  especially  when  I 
consider  that  I  spend  in  the  colony  what  I 
earn  therein.'  Prosecutions  for  violating  the 
law  were  frequent.  During  the  month  of 
June  1667,  at  a  sitting  of  the  Sovereign  Coun- 
cil, Tracy,  Courcelle,  Talon,  and  Laval  being 
present,  the  attorney-general  Bourdon  made 
out  a  case  against  Jacques  de  la  Mothe,  a 
merchant,  for  having  sold  wines  and  tobacco 
at  higher  prices  than  those  of  the  tariff.  The 
defendant  acknowledged  that  he  had  sold  his 
wine  at  one  hundred  livres  and  his  tobacco  at 

G.I.  E 


sixty  sous,  but  alleged  that  his  wine  was  the 
best  Bordeaux,  that  his  hogsheads  had  a 
capacity  of  fully  one  hundred  and  twenty  pots, 
that  care,  risk,  and  leakage  should  be  taken 
into  consideration,  that  two  hogsheads  had 
been  spoiled,  and  that  the  price  of  those  re- 
maining should  be  higher  to  compensate  him 
for  their  loss.  As  to  the  tobacco,  it  was  of  the 
Maragnan  quality,  and  he  had  always  deemed 
it  impossible  to  sell  it  for  less  than  sixty  sous. 
After  hearing  the  case,  the  council  decided 
that  two  of  its  members.  Messieurs  Damours 
and  de  la  Tesserie,  should  make  an  inspection 
at  La  Mothers  store,  in  order  to  taste  his  wine 
and  tobacco  and  gauge  his  hogsheads.  Away 
they  went ;  and  afterwards  they  made  their 
report.  Finally  La  Mothe  was  condemned  to 
a  fine  of  twenty-two  livres,  payable  to  the 
Hotel-Dieu.  It  may  be  remarked  here  that 
very  often  the  fines  had  a  similar  destination  ; 
in  that  way  justice  helped  charity. 

The  magistrates  were  vigilant,  but  the 
merchants  were  cunning  and  often  succeeded 
in  evading  the  tariff.  In  July  1667,  the 
habitants'  syndic  appeared  before  the  council 
to  complain  of  the  various  devices  resorted 
to  by  merchants  to  extort  higher  prices  from 
the  settlers  than  were  allowed  by  law.  So 


the  council  made  a  ruling  that  all  merchandise 
should  be  stamped,  in  the  presence  of  the 
syndic,  according  to  the  prices  of  each  kind 
and  quality,  and  ordered  samples  duly  stamped 
in  this  way  to  be  delivered  to  commissioners 
specially  appointed  for  the  purpose.  It  will 
be  seen  that  these  regulations  were  minute 
and  severe.  Trade  was  thus  submitted  to 
stern  restrictions  which  would  seem  strange 
and  unbearable  in  these  days  of  freedom. 
What  an  outcry  there  would  be  if  jparliament 
sKould  attempt  now  to  dictate  to  our  merchants 
the  selling  price  of  their  merchandise  !  But 
in  the  seventeenth  century  such  a  thing  was 
common  enough.  It  was  a  time  of  extreme 
official  interference  in  private  affairs  and 

We  have  mentioned  the  syndic  of  the  in- 
habitants—  syndic  des  habitants.  A  word 
about  this  officer  will  be  in  place  here. 
He  was  the  spokesman  of  the  community 
when  complaints  had  to  be  made  or  petitions 
presented  to  the  governor  or  the  Sovereign 
Council.  At  that  time  in  Canada  there  was 
no  municipal  government.  True,  an  unlucky 
experiment  had  been  made  in  1663,  under 
the  governor  Mezy,  when  a  mayor  and  two 
aldermen  were  elected  at  Quebec.  But  their 


enjoyment  of  office  was  of  brief  duration  ;  in 
a  few  weeks  the  election  was  declared  void. 
It  was  then  determined  to  nominate  a  syndic 
to  represent  the  inhabitants,  and  on  August  3 
Claude  Charron,  a  merchant,  was  elected  to  the 
office  ;  but,  as  the  habitants  often  had  diffi- 
culties to  settle  with  members  of  the  com- 
mercial class,  objection  was  taken  to  him  on 
the  ground  that  he  was  a  tradesman,  and  he 
retired.  On  September  17  a  new  election  took 
place,  and  Jean  Le  Mire,  a  carpenter,  was 
elected.  Later  on,  during  the  troubles  of  the 
Mezy  regime,  the  office  seems  to  have  been 
practically  abolished  ;  but  when  the  govern- 
ment was  reorganized,  it  was  thought  advisable 
to  revive  it.  The  council  decreed  another 
election,  and  on  March  20,  1667,  Jean  Le  Mire 
was  again  chosen  as  syndic.  Le  Mire  con- 
tinued to  hold  the  office  for  many  years. 

To  the  colony  of  that  day  the  Sovereign 
Council  was,  broadly  speaking,  what  the  legisla- 
tures, the  executives,  the  courts  of  justice,  and 
the  various  commissions — all  combined — are 
to  modern  Canada.  But,  as  we  have  seen,  it 
had  arbitrary  powers  that  these  modern  bodies 
are  not  permitted  to  exercise.  Its  long  arm 
reached  into  every  concern  of  the  inhabitants. 
In  1667,  for  example,  the  habitants  asked  for 


a  regulation  to  fix  the  millers'  fee — the  amount 
of  the  toll  to  which  they  would  be  entitled  for 
grinding  the  grain.  The  owners  of  the  flour- 
mills  represented  that  the  construction,  repair, 
and  maintenance  of  their  mills  were  two  or 
three  times  more  costly  in  Canada  than  in 
France,  and  that  they  should  have  a  proportion- 
ate fee  ;  still,  they  would  be  willing  to  accept 
the  bare  remuneration  usually  allowed  in  the 
kingdom.  The  toll  was  fixed  at  one-fourteenth 
of  the  grain.  Highways  were  also  under  the 
care  of  the  council.  When  the  residents  of  a 
locality  presented  a  petition  for  opening  a  road, 
the  council  named  two  of  its  members  to  make 
an  inspection  and  report.  On  receipt  of  the 
report,  an  order  would  be  issued  for  opening 
a  road  along  certain  lines  and  of  a  specified 
width  (it  was  often  eighteen  feet),  and  for 
pulling  stumps  and  filling  up  hollows.  There 
was  an  official  called  the  grand-voyer,  or 
general  overseer  of  roads.  The  office  had 
been  established  in  1657,  when  Rene  Robineau 
de  Becancourt  was  appointed  grand-voyer  by 
the  Company  of  One  Hundred  Associates. 
But  in  the  wretched  state  of  the  colony  at  that 
time  M.  de  Becancourt  had  not  much  work  to 
do.  In  later  years,  however,  the  usefulness 
of  a  grand-voyer  had  become  more  apparent, 


and  Becancourt  asked  for  a  confirmation  of  his 
appointment.  On  the  suggestion  of  Talon,  the 
council  reinstated  him  and  ordered  that  his 
commission  be  registered.  During  the  whole 
French  regime  there  were  but  five  general 
overseers  of  roads  or  grands-voyers :  Rene 
Robineau  de  Becancourt  (1657-99)  ;  Pierre 
Robineau  de  Becancourt  (1699-1729)  ;  E. 
Lanoullier  de  Boisclerc  (1731-51)  ;  M.  de  la 
Gorgehdiere  (1751-59)  ;  M.  de  Lino  (1759-60). 
Guardianship  of  public  morality  and  the 
maintenance  of  public  order  were  the  chief 
cares  of  the  council.  It  was  ever  intent  on 
the  suppression  of  vice.  On  August  20,  1667, 
in  the  presence  of  Tracy,  Courcelle,  Talon,  and 
Laval,  the  attorney-general  submitted  informa- 
tion of  scandalous  conduct  on  the  part  of  some 
women  and  girls,  and  represented  that  a  severe 
punishment  would  be  a  wholesome  warning  to 
all  evil-doers  ;  he  also  suggested  that  the  wife 
of  Sebastien  Langelier,  being  one  of  the  most 
disorderly,  should  be  singled  out  for  an  ex- 
emplary penalty.  A  councillor  was  immedi- 
ately appointed  to  investigate  the  case.  What 
was  done  in  this  particular  instance  is  not 
recorded,  but  there  is  evidence  to  show  that 
licentious  conduct  was  often  severely  dealt 
with.  Crimes  and  misdemeanours  were  ruth- 


lessly  pursued.  For  a  theft  committed  at 
night  in  the  Hotel-Dieu  garden,  the  intendant 
condemned  a  man  to  be  marked  with  the  fleur- 
de-lis,  to  be  exposed  for  four  hours  in  the 
pillory,  and  to  serve  three  years  in  the  galleys. 
Another  culprit  convicted  of  larceny  was 
sentenced  to  be  publicly  whipped  and  to  serve 
three  years  in  the  galleys.  Both  these  prisoners 
escaped  and  returned  to  their  former  practices. 
They  were  recaptured  and  sentenced,  the  first 
to  be  hanged,  the  second  to  be  whipped, 
marked  with  the  fleur-de-lis,  and  kept  in  irons 
until  further  order.  Rape  in  the  colony  was 
unhappily  frequent.  A  man  convicted  of  this 
crime  was  condemned  to  death  and  executed 
two  days  later.  Another  was  whipped  till  the 
blood  flowed  and  condemned  to  serve  nine 
years^in  the  galleys. 

Let  us  now  turn  to  activities  of  another 
order.  One  of  the  most  important  ordinances 
enacted  by  the  Sovereign  Council  under  Talon's 
direction  was  that  which  concerned  the  im- 
portation of  spirits  and  the^stablishment  in 
the  colony  of  the  bjrewing  industry.  It  was 
stated  in  this  decree  that  the  great  quantity 
of  brandies  and  wines  imported  from  France 
was  a  cause  of  debauchery.  Many  were 
diverted  from  productive  work,  their  health 


was  ruined,  they  were  induced  to  squander 
their  money,  and  prevented  from  buying 
necessaries  and  supplies  useful  for  the  develop- 
ment of  the  colony.  Talon,  as  we  have  read 
in  another  chapter,  thought  that  one  of  the 
best  means  of  combating  the  immoderate  use 
of  spirits  was  the  setting  up  of  breweries  ;  at 
the  same  time  he  intended  that  this  indus^. 
try  should  help  agriculture.  The  Sovereign 
Council  entered  into  these  views  and  enacted 
that  as  soon  as  breweries  should  be  in  opera- 
tion in  Canada  all  importation  of  wines  and 
spirits  should  be  prohibited,  except  by  special 
permission  and  subject  to  a  tax  of  five  hundred 
livres,  payable  xme-third  to  the  seigneurs  of  the 
country,  one-third  to  the  Hotel-Dieu,  and  one- 
third  to  the  person  who  had  set  up  the  first 
brewery  after  the  date  of  the  enactment. 
Under  no  circumstances  should  the  yearly  im- 
portation exceed  eight  hundred  hogsheads  of 
wine  and  four  hundred  of  brandy.  When  this 
amount  had  been  reached,  no  further  licences 
to  import  would  be  issued.  The  council 
begged  Talon  to  take  the  necessary  steps  for 
the  construction  and  equipment  of  one  or  more 
breweries.  The  owners  of  these  were  to  have, 
during  ten  years,  the  exclusive  privilege  of 
brewing  for  trading  purposes.  The  price  of 


beer  was  fixed  beforehand  at  twenty  livres 
per  hogshead  and  six  sous  per  pot  so  long 
as  barley  was  priced  at  three  livres  per 
bushel  or  less  ;  if  the  price  of  barley  went 
higher,  the  price  of  beer  should  be  raised 

In  1667  the  Sovereign  Council — inspired  by 
Talon — had  to  discuss  a  very  important 
question.  This  was  the  formation  of  a  com- 
pany of  Canadians  to  secure  the  exclusive 
privilegejof  trading.  By  jts  charter,  the  West 
india  Company  had  been  granted-JtS^iom^ 
Tnercial^jTionopoly.  Under  pressure  from 
Talon  it  had  somewhat  abated  its  pretensions 
and  had  allowed  freedom  of  trade  for  a  time. 
But  again  it  was  urging  its  rights.  The  cpuncjl 
asked  the  intendant  to  support  with  his  in- 
fluence at  court  the  plan  for  a  Canadian  com- 
pany, which  he  did.  Colbert  did  not  say  no  ; 
neither  did  he  seem  in  a  hurry  to  grant "Ihe 
request.  In  1668'  the  cWnCfl^nT^^ 
a  letter  "praying  for  freedom  of  trade.  This 
year  the  company  had  enforced  its  monopoly 
and  the  people  had  suffered  from  the  lack  of 
necessaries,  which  could  not  be  found  in  the 
company's  stores  ;  moreover,  prices  were  ex- 
ceedingly high.  Such  a  state  of  things  was 
detrimental  to  the  colony.  The  council  begged 


that,  if  Colbert  were  not  disposed  to  grant 
freedom  of  trade,  he  would  favourably  con- 
sider the  scheme  for  a  trading  company  com- 
/  posed  of  Canadians,  which  had  been  submitted 
to  him  the  year  before.  We  shall  see,  later 
on,  what  came  of  this  agitation  against  the 
West  India  Company. 

The  good  understanding  between  the  inten- 
dant  and  the  Sovereign  Council  was  absolute. 
The  council  had  shown  unequivocal  confidence 
in  Talon's  ability  and  respect  for  his  person  and 
authority.  A  few  days  before  the  Marquis  de 
Tracy  had  left  the  colony  the  council  had 
ordered  that  all  petitions  to  enter  lawsuits 
should  be  presented  to  the  intendant,  who 
should  assign  them  to  the  council  or  to  the 
lieutenant  civil  and  criminal,  or  try  them  him- 
|Self,  at  his  discretion.  This  was  treating  Talon 
I  as  the  supreme  magistrate  and  acknowledging 
iim  as  the  dispenser  of  justice.  M.  de  Cour- 
celle,  who  was  beginning  to  feel  some  uneasiness 
at  Talon's  great  authority  and  prestige,  refused 
to  sign  the  proceedings  of  that  day,  inscribing 
these  lines  in  the  council's  register :  '  This 
decree  being  against  the  governor's  authority 
and  the  public  good,  I  did  not  wish  to  sign  it.' 
At  the  beginning  of  the  following  year  Talon, 
whose  attention  perhaps  had  not  been  called 


to  Courcelle's  written  protest,  requested  the 
adoption  of  a  similar  decree;  and  the  council 
did  not  hesitate  to  confirm  its  previous  decision, 
notwithstanding  the  governor's  former  opposi- 
tion, which  he  reiterated  in  the  same  terms. 
Courcelle  was  certainly  mistaken  in  supposing 
that  the  council's  decision  was  an  encroach- 
ment on  his  authority.  The  superior  juris-  y. 
dictioruiiL  judicial  mattejre  Jtelguged  Jto_ Jthe 
intendanL — -Under  his^cbmmission  he  had  the 
right  to  '  judge  alone  and  with  full  jurisdiction 
in  civil  matters,'  to  '  hear  all  cases  of  crimes 
and  misdemeanours,  abuse  and  malversation, 
by  whomsoever  committed/  to  '  proceed 
against  all  persons  guilty  of  any  crime,  what- 
ever might  be  their  quality  or  condition,  to 
pursue  the  proceedings  until  final  completion, 
judgment  and  execution  thereof.'  Neverthe- 
less, in  practice  and  with  due  regard  to  the  good 
administration  of  justice,  the  council's  decree 
went  perhaps  too  far.  The  question  remained 
in  abeyance  and  was  not  settled  until  four  years 
afterwards,  at  the  end  of  Talon's  second  term 
in  Canada.  He  had  written  to  Colbert  on 
the  subject  stating  that  he  would  be  glad  to  be 
discharged  of  the  judicial  responsibility,  and  to 
see  the  question  of  initiating  lawsuits  referred 
to  the  Sovereign  Council. 


As  a  matter  of  fact  [he  said],  receiving 
the  petitions  for  entering  lawsuits  does  not 
mean  retaining  them  before  myself.  I  have 
not  judged  twenty  cases,  civil  or  criminal, 
since  I  came  here,  having  always  tried  as 
much  as  I  could  to  conciliate  the  opposing 
parties.  The  reason  why  I  speak  now  of 
this  matter  is  that  very  often,  for  twenty 
or  thirty  livres  of  principal,  a  plaintiff  goes 
before  the  judge  of  first  instance — which 
diverts  the  parties  from  the  proper  cultiva- 
tion of  their  farms — and  later  on,  by  way 
of  an  appeal,  before  the  Sovereign  Council 
which  likes  to  hear  and  judge  cases. 

Colbert  did  not  deem  the  decision  of  the 
cbuncil  advisable. 

It  is  contrary  [he  wrote]  to  the  order  of 
justice,  in  virtue  of  which,  leaving  in  their 
own  sphere  the  superior  judges,  the  judges 
of  first  instance  are  empowered  to  hear  all 
cases  within  their  jurisdiction,  and  their 
judgments  can  be  appealed  from  to  the 
Sovereign  Council.  Moreover  it  would  be 
a  burden  for  the  king's  subjects  living  far 
from  Quebec  to  go  there  unnecessarily  in 
order  to  ascertain  before  what  tribunal  they 
should  be  heard. 


We  must  now  speak  of  a  most  important 
matter — the  brandy  traffic.  The  sale  of  in- 
tbxicstmg'liquor  to  the  Indians  had  always 
been  prohibited  in  the  colony.  In  1657  a 
decree  of  the  King's  State  Council  had  ratified 
and  renewed  this  prohibition  under  pain  of 
corporal  punishment.  Yet,  notwithstanding 
the  decree,  greedy  traders  broke  the  law  and, 
for  the  purpose  of  getting  furs  at  a  low  price, 
supplied  the  Indians  with  eau-de-feu,  or  fire- 
water, which  made  them  like  wild  beasts. 
The  most  frightful  disorders  were  prevalent, 
the  most  heinous  crimes  committed,  and 
scandalous  demoralization  followed.  In  1660 
the  evil  was  so  great  that  Mgr  de  Laval,  exer- 
cising his  pastoral  functions,  decreed  excom- 
munication against  all  those  pursuing  the 
brandy  traffic  in  defiance  of  ordinances.  This 
might  have  stopped  the  progress  of  the  evil 
had  not  the  governor  Avaugour  opened  the 
door  to  renewed  disorder  two  years  later  by 
a  most  unfortunate  policy.  Thereupon  Laval 
crossed  the  ocean  to  France,  obtained  the 
governor's  recall,  and  succeeded,  though  with 
some  difficulty,  in  maintaining  the  former 
prohibition.  In  1663  the  Sovereign  Council 
lacted  an  ordinance  strictly  forbidding  the 
lling  or  giving  of  brandy  to  Indians  directly 


or  indirectly,  for  any  reason  or  pretence  what- 
soever. The  penalty  for  the  offence  was  a 
fine  of  three  hundred  livres,  payable  one-third 
to  the  informers,  one-third  to  the  Hotel- Dieu, 
and  one-third  to  the  public  treasury.  And  for 
a  second  offence  the  punishment  was  whipping 
or  banishment.  In  1667,  after  the  Sovereign 
Council  had  been  finally  reorganized,  the  pro- 
hibition was  renewed,  on  a  motion  of  attorney- 
general  Bourdon,  under  the  same  penalties  as 
before,  and  it  devolved  many  times  upon  the 
council  to  condemn  transgressors  of  this 
ordinance  to  fines,  imprisonment,  or  corporal 
punishment.  Talon  was  present  and  con- 
curred in  these  condemnations.  But  gradually 
his  mind  changed.  He  was  becoming  daily 
more  impressed  with  the  material  benefits  of 
the  brandy  traffic  and  less  convinced  of  its 
moral  danger.  He  was  besides  displeased  with 
the  bishop's  excommunication.  In  his  view 
it  was  an  encroachment  of  the  spiritual  upon 
the  civil  power.  Under  the  influence  of  these 
feelings  he  came  to  consider  prohibition  of  the 
liquor  traffic  as  a  mistake,  damaging  to  the 
trade  and  progress  of  the  colony  and  to  French 
influence  over  the  Indian  tribes.  These  were 
the  arguments  put  forward  by  the  supporters 
of  the  traffic.  According  to  them,  to  refuse 


brandy  to  the  Indians  was  to  let  the  English 
monopolize  the  profitable  fur  trade,  and  there- 
fore to  check  the  development  of  New  France. 

*  The  fur  trade  provided  an  abundance  of  beaver 
skins,  which  formed  a  most  convenient  medium 
of  exchange.      The  possession  of  these  gave 
an  impetus  to  trade,  and  brought  to  Canada 
a  number  of  merchants  and  others  who  were 
consumers    of    natural    products    and    money 
spenders.     Moreover,  in  Canada  furs  were  the 
main  article  of  exportation.     Their  abundance 

^swelled  the  public  revenue  and  in£r_e_asedj;he 
v  number  of  ships  employed  in  the  Canadian 
trade.  And  last,  to  use  an  argument  of  a 
higher  order,  the  brandy  traffic,  in  fostering 
trade  with  the  Indian  tribes,  kept  them  in  the 
bonds  of  an  alliance  and  strengthened  the 

•  political  situation  of  France  in  North  America. 

The  above  fairly,  we  think,  represents  tha    ^ 
substance  of  the  plea  made  by  the  supportersV 
of  the  liquor  traffic.      Such  indeed  were  the  V\/ 
arguments  used  by  the  traders,  finally  accepted 
by  Talon,  developed  in  after  years  by  Frontenac,    , 
approved  by  Colbert  on  many  occasions ;  such   ' 
was  the  political  and  commercial  wisdom  of 
those  who  thought  mainly  of  the  material  pro- 
gress of  New  France.  To  those  arguments  Laval, 
the  clergy,  and  many  enlightened  persons  in- 


terested  in  the  public  welfare  had  a  double 
answer.  First,  there  was  at  stake  a  question 
of  principle  important  enough  to  be  the  sole 
ground  of  a  decision.  /rWas  it  right,  for  the 
sake  of  a  material  benefit,  to  outrage  natural 
and  Christian  morality  ?  Was  it  morally  law- 
ful, for  the  purpose  of  loading  with  furs  the 
Quebec  stores  and  the  Rochelle  ships,  to  instil 
into  the  Indian  veins  the  accursed  poison 
which  inflamed  them  to  theft,  rape,  incest, 
murder,  suicide — all  the  frightful  frenzy  of 
bestial  passion.  As  it  was  practised,  the 
liquor  traffic  could  have  no  other  result.  A 
powerful  consensus  of  evidence  established  this 
truth  above  all  discussion.  For  the  Indians 
brandy  was  then,  as  it  is  now,  a  murderous 
poison.  It  is  for  this  reason  that  at  the 
present  day  the  government  of  Canada  pro- 
hibits absolutely  the  sale  of  intoxicating  liquor 
in  the  territories  where  the  wretched  remnants 
of  the  aborigines  are  gathered.  The  strictness 
of  the  modern  laws  is  a  striking  vindication  of 
Laval  and  those  who  stood  by  him. 

Moreover  the  prohibition  of  the  brandy 
traffic  was  not  as  detrimental  to  the  material 
development  of  the  colony  as  was  contended. 
It  was  possible  to  trade  with  the  Outaouais,  the 
Algonquins,  the  Iroquois,  without  the  allure- 


ment  of  brandy.  The  Indians  themselves 
acknowledged  that  strong  liquor  ruined  them. 
The  Abbe  Dollier  de  Casson,  superior  of  the 
Montreal  Sulpicians,  was  perfectly  right  when 
he  made  the  following  statement  : 

We  should  have  had  all  the  Iroquois,  if 
they  had  not  seen  that  there  is  as  much 
disorder  here  as  in  their  country,  and  that 
we  are  even  worse  than  the  heretics. 

Indian  drunkard  does  not  resist  the  drink- 
ing craze  _when  brandy  is  at  hand.  But 
afterwards^^whetLhe  sees  himself  naked  an  <f 
disarmed,  his  nose  gnawed,  his  body 
maimed  and  bruised,  he  becomes  mad  with 
rage  against  those  who  caused  him  to  fall 
into  such  a  stated 

Some  years  later  the  governor  Denonville 
answered  those  who  enlarged  on  the  danger 
of  throwing  the  Indians  on  the  friendship  of 
the  Dutch  and  English  if  they  were  refused 
brandy.  '  Those  who  maintain/  he  said, 
*  that  if  we  refuse  liquor  to  the  Indians  they 
will  go  to  the  English,  are  not  trustworthy,  for 
the  Indians  are  not  anxious  to  drink  when  they 
do  not  see  the  liquor;  and  the  most  sensible 
of  them  wish  that  brandy  had  never  existed, 
because  they  ruin  themselves  in  giving  away 



their  furs  and  even  their  clothes  for  drink.' 
Denonville's  opinion  was  the  more  justified  in 
that  at  one  time  the  New  England  authorities 
proposed  to  the  French  a  joint  prohibition  of 
the  sale  of  brandy  to  Indians,  and  actually 
passed  an  ordinance  to  that  effect. 

There  were  many  other  articles  besides 
brandy  that  were  needed  by  the  Indians,  and 
for  which  they  were  obliged  to  exchange  their 
furs.  But  even  had  the  prohibition  caused  a 
decrease  in  the  fur  trade,  would  the  evil  have 
been  so  great  ?  Fewer  colonists  would  have 
been  diverted  from  agriculture.  As  it  was, 
the  exodus  from  the  settlements  of  bushrangers 
in  search  of  furs  was  a  source  of  weakness, 
and  the  flower  of  Canadian  youth  disappeared 
every  year  in  the  wilderness.  Had  this  drain  of 
national  vitality  been  avoided,  the  settlement 
of  Canada  would  have  been  more  rapid.  \  Even, 
from  the  material  point  of  view  it  can  be^ 
maintained  that  the  opponents  of  .the  brandy 
traffic  understood  better  than  its  supporters 
the  true  interests  of  New  FranceTj 

For  a  long  while  this  important  question 
divided  and  agitated  the  Canadian  people. 
The  religious  authorities,  knowing  the  evil 
and  crimes  that  resulted  from  the  sale  of 
intoxicating  liquor  to  the  Indians,  made 


strenuous  efforts  to  secure  the  most  severe 
restriction  if  not  the  prohibition  of  the  deadly 
traffic.  They  spoke  in  the  name  of  public 
morality  and  national  honour,  of  humanity  and 
divine  love.  The  civil  authorities,  more  inter- 
ested in  the  financial  and  political  advantages 
than  in  the  question  of  principle,  favoured 
toleration  and  even  authorization  of  the  trade. 
Hence  the  conflicts  and  misunderstandings 
which  have  enlivened,  or  rather  saddened,  the 
pages  of  Canadian  history. 

It  is  to  be  regretted  that  Jhe  intendant  Talorf 
sided  with  the  supporters  of  free  traffic  in 
brandy.  We  have  s^iH  thfrft  at  first  he  wavered. 
The  rulings  of  the  Sovereign  Council  in  1667 
-seem  Jo  show  it.  TBut  his  earnest  desire  for 
thejprosperity  of  the  colony — the  development 
of  her  trade,  the  increaseof  her  population, 
the  improvement  of  her  finances — his  ambi- 
tion for  the  economic  progress  of  "New  Erance, 
misled  him  and  perverted  his  judgment.^  This 
Is  the  only  excuse~lEat"^an  be  offered  for  the" 
greatest  error  of  his'  life.  For  he  must  be 
held  responsible  for  the  ordinance  passed  by 
the  Sovereign  Council  on  November  10,  1668. 
This  ordinance,  after  setting  forth  that  in 
order  to  protect  the  Indians  against  the  curse 
of  drunkenness  it  was  better  to  have  recourse 


to  freedom  than  to  leave  them  a  prey  to  the 
wily  devices  of  unscrupulous  men,  enacted 
that  thereafter,  with  the  king's  permission,  all 
the  residents  of  New  France  might  sell  and 
deliver  intoxicating  liquor  to  the  Indians  willing 
to  trade  with  them.  The  gate  was  opened. 
It  was  in  vain  that  the  ordinance  went  on 
to  forbid  the  Indians  to  get  drunk  under  a 
penalty  of  two  beavers  and  exposure  in  the 
pillory.  A  fearful  punishment  indeed  ! 

TaJorj/s  good  faith  was  iMytenjahlfr.  On  this 
occasion  fie  doubtless  thought  thaLJifi—  was 
still  serving  the  cause  of  public..  welfare.  But^ 

his  intentions,.  we  cannot 

but  admit  that  his  life's^iegoxd^cpntains  pages 
more_a.dmirable  thanthis  one. 



IN  the  instructions  which  Talon  had  received 
from  Louis  XIV  on  his  departure  from  France 
in  1665  it  was  stated  that  Mgr  de  Laval  and 
the  Jesuits  exercised  too  strong  an  authority 
and  that  the  Superiority  of  the  civil  power 
should  be  cautiously  asserted.  The  intendant 
was  quite  ready  to  follow  these  directions.  He 
had  been  reared  in  the  principles  of  the  old 
parliamentarian  school  and  was  thoroughly 
imbued  with  Gallican  ideas.  But  at  the  same 
time  he  was  a  sincere  believer  and  faithful 
in  the  performance  of  his  religious  duties. 
It  is  not  surprising,  therefore,  that  he  should 
be  found  ever  earnest  in  his  endeavours  to 
promote  the  extension  of  Christianity  ^jidj'eady 
fo^protecr^the^missionaries,  as  well  as  the^ 
charitable  and  educational  institutions,  in  their 
work.  Neither  is  it  surprising  that  he  should 
sometimes  seem  jealous  of  ecclesiastical 



influence  in  matters  where  Church  and  State 
were  both  concerned. 

The  following  incident  will  show  to  what 
lengths  he  was  prepared  to  go  when  he  thought 
that  there  was  an  encroachment  of  the  spiritual 
on  the  civil  power.  The  winter  of  1667  was 
very  gay  at  Quebec.  Peace  had  been  secured, 
confidence  in  the  future  of  the  colony  was 
restored,  and  there  manifested  itself  a  general 
disposition  to  indulge  in  social  festivities. 
Indeed  the  first  ball  ever  given  in  Canada 
took  place  in  February  of  this  year  at  M. 
Chartier  de  Lotbiniere's  house,  as  is  recorded 
in  the  Journal  des  Jesuites.  Now  there  was 
at  this  time  in  Quebec  a  religious  association 
for  women  called  the  Association  of  the  Holy 
Family.  Laval  himself  had  framed  their  rules, 
one  of  which  directed  the  members  to  abstain 
from  frivolous  entertainments  and  to  lead  a 
piou£  and  edifying  life  amidst  the  distractions 
and^3issjgations~  Qf_the_jwDrld.  Seeing  that 
many  members  of  the  association  had  departed 
from  the  rules  by  taking  part  in  these  pleasures, 
Laval  threatened  to  suspend  their  meetings. 
Naturally  a  strong  impression  was  made  on 
the  public  mind.  Talon  resented  what  he 
deemed  an  undue  interference.  He  laid  a 
complaint  against  the  bishop's  action  before 


the  Sovereign  Council  and  asked  that  two  of 
their  number  be  directed  to  report  on  the 
social  entertainments  held  during  the  last 
carnival,  in  order  to  show  that  nothing  im- 
proper had  taken  place.  When  the  report  was 
made,  it  declared  that  nothing  deserving  of  con- 
demnation had  occurred  in  these  festivities,  and 
that  there  was  no  occasion  to  censure  them. 
Evidently,  if  there  was  encroachment  upon  this 
occasion,  it  was^encroachment  of  the  civil  gn 
the  spiritual  power.  The  special  rules  of  a 
pious  association  in  no  way  affected  the  safety 
of  the  state  or  public  order.  If  a  number 
of  ladies  wished  to  join  its  ranks  and  accept 
its  discipline  in  order  to  follow  the  path  of 
Christian  perfection  and  lead  a  more  exemplary 
life  in  the  world,  they  should  be  free  to  do  so, 
and  their  directors  should  be  free  to  remonstrate 
with  them  if  they  were  not  faithful  to  their 
pledge.  In  this  incident  the  intendant  was 
not  at  his  best.  He_seeina_Jto-Jiave  sought 
an  occasion  of  checking  the  bishop's  authority, 
and  the  occasion-  was  not  well  chosen.  It  is 
likely  that  M.  de  Tracy,  still  in  the  colony  at 
the  time,  intervened  in  the  interests  of  peace, 
for  the  entry  in  regard  to  Talon's  complaint 
was  erased  from  the  register  of  the  Sovereign 



In  a  state  paper  by  Talon  for  Colbert's 
information,  in  1669,  the  intendant's  Galilean 
views  reveal  themselves  fully.  He  complains 
of  the  excessive  zeal  of  the  bishop  and  clergy 
which  led  them  to  interfere  in  matters  of  police, 
thus  trespassing  upon  the  province  of  the  civil 
magistrate.  He  went  on  to  say  that  too  strict 
a  moral  discipline  of  confessors  and  spiritual 
directors  put  a  constraint  on  consciences,  and 
that,  in  order  to  counterbalance  the  excessive 
claims  to  obedience  of  the  clergy  then  in 
charge,  other  priests  should  be  sent  to  Canada 
with  full  powers  for  administration  of  the 
sacraments.  It  is  more  than  probable  that 
in  writing  these  lines  Talon  was  thinking  of 
the  vexed  question  of  the  liquor  traffic,  always 
a  source  of  strife  between  the  civil  and  the 
spiritual  authorities. 

Talon  and  his  colleagues,  Tracy  and  Cour- 
celle,  had  to  deal  with  the  question  of  tithes. 
In  1663  tithes  had  been  fixed  by  royal  edict 
at  one-thirteenth  of  all  that  is  produced  from 
the  soil  either  naturally  or  by  man's  labour. 
This  edict  was  prompted  by  the  erection  of 
the  Quebec  Seminary  by  Laval,  and  established 
in  Canada  the  tithes  system  for  the  benefit 
of  the  new  clerical  institution,  to  which  was 
entrusted  the  spiritual  care  of  the  colonists. 


The  latter,  who  previously  had  paid  nothing 
for  the  maintenance  of  the  clergy,  protested 
against  the  charge,  notwithstanding  that  it  was 
in  conformity  with  the  common  practice  of 
Christian  nations.  Laval,  taking  into  con- 
sideration the  poverty  of  the  colony  at  the  \j 
time,  freely  granted  delays  and  exemptions,^! 
so  that  in  1667  the  question  was  still  practically 
in  abeyance.  In  that  year  the  bishop  presented 
to  Tracy  a  petition  for  the  publication  of  a 
decree  in  respect  to  the  tithes.  The  lieutenant- 
general,  the  governor,  and  the  intendant  gave 
the  matter  their  attention,  and  after  discussion 
an  ordinance  was  passed  for  payment  of 
tithes,  consisting  of  the  twenty-sixth  gartof 
all  that  the  soil  grows,  naturally  or  by  man's 
labour,  for  the  benefit  of  the  priests  who 
ministered  to  the  spiritual  wants  of  the  people. 
There  was  a  proviso  stating  that  the  words 
*  by  man's  labour '  did  not  include  manufac- 
tures or  fisheries,  but  only  the  products  of  the 
soil  when  cultivated  and  fertilized  by  human 
industry.  The  assessment  of  one-twenty-sixth 
was  to  be  levied  for  a  term  of  twenty  years 
only,  after  which  the  tithes  were  to  be  fixed 
according  to  the  needs  of  the  time  and  the 
state  of  the  country.  Later  on,  in  1679,  a 
royal  edict  made  perpetual  the  rate  of  one- 


twenty-sixth.  For  years  the  practice  pre- 
vailed of  levying  tithes  only  on  grain.  But  in 
1705  two  parish  priests  maintained  that  they 
should  be  levied  also  on  hemp,  flax,  tobacco, 
pumpkins,  hay — on  all  that  is  grown  on 
cultivated  land.  A  heated  discussion  in  the 
Sovereign  Council  took  place,  led  by  the 
attorney-general  Auteuil.  The  two  priests 
contended  that  the  ordinance  of  Tracy,  Cour- 
celle,  and  Talon  did  not  limit  the  tithes  to 
grain ;  it  stated  that  they  should  be  levied  on 
all  that  the  soil  grows  naturally  or  by  man's 
labour.  Unfortunately  they  had  only  a  copy 
of  the  ordinance  of  1667  to  file  in  support  of 
their  contention.  The  attorney-general  main- 
tained that  the  original  ordinance  of  1663 
limited  the  tithes  to  grain,  and  that  the  con- 
stant practice  was  a  confirmation  and  an 
evidence  of  the  rule.  But,  strange  to  say, 
he  could  not  put  the  original  ordinance  on 
record.  It  had  been  lost.  However,  the 
practice  was  held  to  decide  the  case,  and  the 
priests'  contention  was  not  sustained.  From 
that  time  the  question  was  settled,  definitely 
and  for  ever  ;  the  tithes  were  levied  only  on 
(grain,  as  they  are  still  levied  in  the  province 

>f  Quebec,  on  all  lands  owned  by  Catholics. 

tut  it  is  interesting  to  know  as  a  matter  of 


history  that  the  two  litigant  priests  were  right. 
Had  the  original  ordinance  been  before  the 
council,  it  would  have  been  found  to  enact 
the  levying  of  tithes  not  on  grain  alone  but  on 
'  all  that  the  soil  grows  naturally  or  by  man's 
labour.'  An  authentic  copy  of  this  ordinance 
was  discovered  in  our  day,  nearly  two  centuries 
after  the  lawsuit  of  1705,  and  it  bears  out  the 
plea  of  the  two  priests.  ^^ 

Another  feature  of  Talon's  relations  with 
the  clergy  and  religious  communities — and  a 
pleasant  one  this  time — was  his  strong  interest 
in  the  frqncisation _  (Frenchificatij?n)_jof  Jtte 
Indians.  It^was^  Colbert's  wish  that  efforts 
fcejnade  to.bringThe  Algonquins,  HuronsTand 
other  Indians  more  closely  within  the  fold 
oT  European  civilization — to  make  them  alter 
their  manners,  learn  The  FrencH  tongtiey  and 
become  less  Indian  and  more  European  in  their 
way oiTlife,  Talon  was  of  the  same  mind  and 
lost  ly^ogporjamity.  of  impressing  thpTidea  o"n 
those  who  couldLJ3est..da.the  work.  Laval  had 
alreadyTieen  active  in  the  same  direction,  and 
had  founded  the  Quebec  Seminary  partly  with 
this  end  in  view.  The  great  bishop  thought 
that  one  of  the  best  means  of  civilizing  the 
Indians  would  be  to  bring  up  Indian  and 
French  children  together.  So  he  withdrew 


from  the  Jesuits'  College  a  number  of  pupils 
whom  he  had  previously  placed  there  and 
established  them,  with  a  few  young  Indians, 
in  a  house  bought  for  the  purpose.  Such  were 
the  beginnings  of  the  Quebec  Seminary,  opened 
on  October  9,  1663.  The  first  class  consisted 
of  eight  French  and  six  Indian  children.  The 
seminary  trained  them  in  the  practice  _oL_piety 
and  morality.  For  ordinary  instruction  they 
went  to  the  Jesuits.  The  Jesuits'  College  had 
been  founded  in  1635  and  was  of  great  service 
to  the  colony.  It  was  pronounced  by  Laval 
in  1 66 1  almost  equal  in  educational  advantages 
and  standing  to  the  Jesuits'  establishments  in 
France  ;  and  according  to  a  trustworthy  author 
it  '  was  a  reproduction  on  a  small  scale  of  the 
French  colleges :  classes  in  letters  and  arts, 
literary  and  theatrical  entertainments,  were 
found  there.'  Some  of  the  public  performances 
given  at  the  Jesuits'  College  were  memorable, 
such  as  the  reception  to  the  Vicomte  d'Argen- 
son  when  he  entered  upon  the  government 
of  New  France,  and  the  philosophical  debate 
of  July  2,  1666,  which  was  graced  with  the 
presence  of  Tracy,  Courcelle,  and  Talon.  Two 
promising  youths,  Louis  Jolliet  and  Pierre  de 
Francheville,  won  universal  praise  on  that 
occasion ;  and  Talon  himself,  who  had  been 

TALON  AND  THE  CLERGY          93 

accustomed  in  France  to  such  scholastic  exer- 
cises, took  part  in  it  very  pertinently,  to  the 
great  delight  of  all  present. 

To  return  to  the  francisation  of  Indians : 
the  Ursulines  were  also  enlisted  in  the  cause. 
Since  their  arrival  in  Canada  in  1639  it  had 
been  for  them  a  labour  of  love.  Injthe  con- 
vent and  school  founded  by  Mother  Marie  de 
Tlncarnation  and  Madame  de  la  Peltrie,  both 
French  and  Indian  girls  received  instruction  in 
various  subjects.  Seven  nuns  attended  daily 
to  the  classes.  The  Indian  girls  had  special 
classes  and  teachers,  but  they  were  lodged  and 
boarded  along  with  the  French  children. 
Some  of  these  Indian  pupils  of  the  Ursulines 
afterwards  married  Frenchmen  and  became 
excellent  wives  and  mothers.  Special  mention 
is  made  of  one  of  the  girls  as  being  able  to  read 
and  write  both  French  and  Huron  remarkably 
well.  From  her  speech  it  was  hard  to  believe 
that  she  was  born  an  Indian.  Talon  was 
so  delighted  with  this  instance  of  successful 
francisation  that  he  asked  her  to  write  some- 
thing in  Huron  and  French  that  he  might  send 
it  to  France.  This,  however,  was  but  an 
exceptional  case.  Mother  Mary  declared  in 
one  of  her  letters  that  it  was  very  difficult, 
if  not  impossible,  to  civilize  the  Indian  girls. 


During  this  period  the  Ursulines  had  on  an 
average  from  twenty  to  thirty  resident  pupils. 
The  French  girls  were  supposed  to  pay  one 
hundred  and  twenty  livres.  Indian  girls  paid 
nothing.  The  Ursuline  sisters  and  Mother 
Mary,  their  head,  did  a  noble  work  for 
Canada  ;  the  same  must  be  said  of  the  vener- 
able Mother  Marguerite  Bourgeoys  and  the 
ladies  of  the  Congregation  of  Notre-Dame 
founded  in  1659  at  Montreal.  At  first  this 
school  was  open  to  both  boys  and  girls. 
But  in  1668  M.  Souart,  a  Sulpician,  took  the 
boys  under  his  care,  and  thenceforth  the 
education  of  the  male  portion  of  the  youth  of 
Ville-Marie  was  in  the  hands  of  the  priests  of 
Saint-Sulpice.  At  this  time  the  Sulpicians  of 
Montreal  were  receiving  welcome  accessions 
to  their  number ;  the  Abbes  Trouve  and  de 
Fenelon  arrived  in  1667,  and  the  Abbes  Queylus, 
d'Allet,  de  Galinee,  and  d'Urfe  in  1668.  In  the 
latter  year  Fenelon  and  Trouve  were  authorized 
by  Laval  to  establish  a  new  missionary  station 
for  a  tribe  of  Cayugas  as  far  west  as  the  bay 
of  Quinte  on  the  north  shore  of  Lake  Ontario. 
The  progress  of  mission  work  was  now  most 
encouraging.  Peace  prevailed  and  the  Iro- 
quois  country  was  open  to  the  heralds  of 
the  Gospel.  Fathers  Fremin  and  Pierron  were 


living  among  the  Mohawks;  Father  Bruyas 
with  the  Oneidas.  In  1668  Father  Fremin  was 
sent  to  the  Senecas,  Father  Milet  to  the 
Onondagas,  and  Father  de  Carheil  to  the 
Cayugas.  The  bloody  Iroquois,  who  had 
tortured  and  slain  so  many  missionaries,  were 
now  asking  for  preachers  of  the  Christian  faith, 
and  receiving  them  with  due  honour.  It  is 
true  that  the  hard  task  of  conversion  remained, 
and  that  Indian  vices  and  superstitions  were 
not  easily  overcome.  But  at  least  the  savages 
were  ready  to  listen  to  Christian  teaching. 
Some  of  them  had  courage  enough  to  reform 
their  lives.  Children  and  women  were  bap- 
tized. Many  received  when  dying  the  sacra- 
ments of  the  Church.  Moreover,  the  sublime 
courage  and  self-devotion  of  the  missionaries 
inspired  the  Indian  mind  with  a  profound 
respect  for  Christianity  and  added  very  greatly 
to  the  influence  and  prestige  of  the  French 
name  among  the  tribes. 

On  the  whole  the  situation  in  Canada  at  ft 
the  end  of   i6C)S,   three  years  after  TaldfTslL 
arrival,    was    most    satisfactory.      Peace    andHr 
security    were    restored ;     hope    had    replaced 
_aspondency ;     colonization,  agriculture,    and 
trade  were  making  progress  ;    populatioji  was  V 
increasing  yearly.     In  this  short  space  of  time 


New  France  had  been  saved  from  destruction 

ahd  was  now  full  of  new  vigour.     Every  one 

in  the  colony  knew  that  the  great  intendant 

had  been  the  soul  of  the  revival,  the  leader  in 

{_     all  this  progress.     It  may  therefore  be  easily 

'  imagined    what    was    the    state    of    popular 

feeling  when  the  news  came  that  Talon  was 

»to  leave  Canada.  He  had  twice  asked  for  his 
recall.  The  climate  was  severe,  his  health  was 
not  good,  and  family  matters  called  for  his  pre- 
sence in  France ;  moreover,  he  was  worried 
by  his  difficulties  with  the  governor  and  the 
spiritual  authorities.  Louis  XIV  gave  him 
leave  to  return  to  France  and  appointed  Claude 
de  Bouteroue  in  his  stead. 

Talon  left  Quebec  in  November  1668.  Ex- 
pressions of  deep  regret  were  heard  on  all  sides. 
Mother  Marie  de  T  Incarnation  wrote :  '  M. 
Talon  is  leaving  us  and  goes  back  to  France. 
It  is  a  great  loss  to  Canada  and  a  great  sorrow 
for  all.  For,  during  his  term  here  as  in- 
tendant, this  country  has  developed  more  and 
progressed  more  than  it  had  done  vbef ore  from 
the  time  of  the  first  settlement  by  the  French.' 
The  annalist  of  the  Hotel-Dieu  was  not  less 
sympathetic,  but  there  was  hope  in  her  utter- 
ance :  '  M.  Talon,'  she  said,  '  left  for  France 
this  year.  He  comforted  us  in  our  grief  by 


leading  us  to  expect  his_j:aturn.'  Perhaps 
these  last  words  show  that  Talon  even 
then  intended  to  come  back  to  Canada  if 
such  should  be  the  wish  of  the  king  and  his 




TALON  returned  to  France  in  an  auspicious 
hour.  It  was  perhaps  the  happiest  and 
brightest  period  of  the  reign  of  Louis  XIV. 
France  had  emerged  victorious  from  two 
campaigns,  and  the  king  had  just  signed  a 
treaty  which  added  to  his  realm  a  part  of  the 
province  of  Flanders.  The  kingdom  enjoyed 
peace,  and  its  prosperity  had  never  been  so 
great.  Thanks  to  Colbert,  the  exchequer  was 
full.  In  all  departments  the  French  govern- 
ment was  displaying  intelligent  activity—  Trade 
and  commerce,  agriculture  and  manufacture, 
were  encouraged  and  protected.  With  ample 
means  at  their  disposal  and  perfect  freedom  of 
action,  Louis  XIV  and  Colbert  could  not  but 
be  in  a  favourable  mood  to  receive  Talon's 
reports  and  proposals.  Talon  acted  as  if  he 
were  still  the_intehda5t.6f  .NegjLEcance  ;  and 
though  for  the  time  being  he  was  not,  he  was 
surely  the  most  powerful  .agent  or  advocate 
thatjhe  colony  could  have.  The  king  and  his 



minister  readily  acquiesced  in  his  schemes  for 
strengthening  the  Canadian  colony.  It  was 
decided  to  dispatch  six  companies  of  soldiers 
to  reinforce  the  four  already  there,  and  ulti- 
mately, upon  being  disbanded,  to  aid  in  settling 
the  country.  Many  hundred  labourers  and  un- 
married women  and  a  new  stock  of  domestic 
animals  were  also  to  be  sent.  Colbert^  had 
never  been  so  much  in  earnest  concerning  New  / 
France.  He  attended  personally  to  details,  ^ 
gave  orders  for  the  levy  of  troops  and  for  the 
shipping  of  the  men  and  supplies,  and  urged 
on  the  officials  in  charge  so  that  everything 
should  be  ready  early  in  the  spring.  To  M.  de 
Courcelle  he  wrote  these  welcome  tidings : 

His  Majesty  has  appropriated  over 
200,000  livres  to  do  what  he  deems 
necessary  for  the  colony.  One  hundred 
and  fifty  girls  are  going  thither  to  be 
married ;  six  companies  complete  with 
fifty  good  men  in  each  and  thirty  officers 
or  noblemen,  who  wish  to  settle  there, 
and  more  than  two  hundred  other  persons 
are  also  going.  Such  an  effort  shows  how 
greatly  interested  in  Canada  His  Majesty 
feels,  and  to  what  extent  he  will  appreciate 
all  that  may  be  done  to  help  its  progress. 

zoo          THE  GREAT  INTENDANT 

That  the  minister  was  not  actuated  merely  by 
a  passing  mood,  but  by  a  set  purpose,  may  be 
seen  from  a  passage  of  a  letter  to  Terron,  the 
intendant  at  Rochefort :  '  I  am  very  glad,' 
Colbert  wrote,  '  that  you  have  not  gone  beyond 
the  funds  appropriated  for  the  passage  of  the 
men  and  girls  to  Canada.  You  know  how 
important  it  is  to  keep  within  the  limits, 
especially  in  an  outlay  which  will  have  to  be 

I    repeated  every  year.* 

^  In  the  meantime  Talon  was  pleading  the 
cause  of  Canada  in  another  direction.  Always 
intent  on  freeing  New  France  from  the  com- 
mercial monopoly  of  the  West  India  Company, 
he  renewed  his  assault  against  that  corporation, 
and  at  last  he  was  successful.  This  signal 
victory  showed  plainly  his  great  influence  with 
the  minister.  Colbert  conveyed  the  gratifying 
information  to  Courcelle : 

His  Majesty  has  granted  freedom  of 
trade  to  Canada,  so  that  the  colony  may 
hereafter  receive  more  easily  the  provisions 
and  supplies  needed.  It  will  now  be 
necessary  to  inform  the  colonists  that  they 
must  provide  cargoes  agreeable  to  the 
French,  who  will  supply  them  with 
necessities,  and  so  make  a  profitable  ex- 

From  an  engraving  in  the  Dominion  Archives 


change  of  goods.  For  there  is  now  a  great 
supply  of  furs  in  this  kingdom,  and  if  there 
were  no  other  goods  available  as  a  return 
cargo  perhaps  the  French  ships  would  not 
go  there. 

The  spring  of  1669  was  memorable  for 
Canada.  Nearly  all  that  Talon  asked  for  New 
France  was  granted.  But  one  thing  which  he 
did  not  ask  was  desired  by  Louis  and  Colbert. 
It  is  probable  that  Talon  intended  to  go  back 
to  Canada,  but  he  did  not  expect  or  wish  to 
return  immediately.  Yet  this  was  what  the 
king  and  the  minister  deemed  advisable  and 
even  essential.  It  was  very  well  to  send 
troops,  labourers,  women,  settlers,  and  supplies ; 
but,  in  order  that  all  should  yield  their  maximum 
of  efficiency,  it  was  necessary  that  the  business 
affairs  of  the  colony  should  again  be  placed  in 
the  hands  of  the  intendant,  who  had  already 
worked  wonders  by  his  gggacitv  and  skilful 
rnanagement.  There  was  no  man  who  knew 
so  well  the  weak  and  strong  points,  the  re- 
quirements and  possibilities  of  Canada.  True, 
only  a  few  months  had  elapsed  since  the  king 
had  given  him  permission  to  leave  Canada,  and 
had  appointed  in  his  stead  another  intendant 
who,  naturally  enough,  would  expect  to  be  in 

102          THE  GREAT  INTEND  ANT 

charge  for  at  least  two  years.  But,  on  the  other 
hand,  the  king's  service  and  the  public  good 
demanded  his  reappointment.  Talon  had  to 
acquiesce.  He  had  reached  Paris  at  the  end  of 
December.  Three  months  later  he  was  again 
intendant  of  New  France,  and  on  April  3 
Louis  XIV  wrote  to  the  intendant  Bouteroue 
at  Quebec  informing  him  of  Talon's  rein- 
statement. To  leave  France  so  soon  must 
have  been  for  Talon  a  great  sacrifice,  but  it  was 
a  high  compliment  that  Louis  and  Colbert  were 
paying  to  his  talents  and  administrative 
abilities.  On  May  10,  1669,  the  king  signed 
his  new  commission,  and  on  the  i?th  he 
received  his  instructions,  a  document  much 
shorter  than  the  one  framed  for  his  direction 
in  1665.  No  minute  advice  was  needed  this 
time,  for  Talon  was  himself  the  best  authority 
on  all  matters  relating  to  Canada. 

Talon  sailed  from  La  Rochelle  on  July  15. 
He  was  accompanied  by  Captain  Frangois 
Marie  Perrot,  one  of  the  six  commanders  of 
the  companies  sent  to  Canada ;  by  Fathers 
Romuald  Papillion,  Hilarion  Guesnin,  Cesaire 
Herveau,  and  Brother  Cosme  Graveran.  Perrot 
was  married  to  the  niece  of  the  intendant.  The 
friars  belonged  to  the  Franciscan  order  and  to 
the  particular  branch  of  it  known  under  the 


name  of  Recollets.  It  had  been  thought  good 
to  reintroduce  into  Canada  the  religious  society 
whose  priests  had  been  the  first  to  preach  the 
Gospel  there.  The  intendant's  former  voyage 
from  France  to  Canada  had  lasted  one  hundred 
and  seventeen  days,  so  that,  allowing  for  all 
probable  delays,  he  might  expect  to  reach 
Quebec  by  the  end  of  October  at  the  latest. 
But  it  was  decreed  that  he  was  not  to  see  New 
France  this  year.  His  ship  was  assailed  by 
a  series  of  storms  and  hurricanes  and  driven 
far  from  her  right  course.  After  three  months 
of  exertion  and  suffering  the  captain  was 
obliged  to  make  for  the  port  of  Lisbon.  There 
the  ship  was  revictualled ;  but,  having  sailed 
again,  she  struck  upon  a  rocky  shoal  at  a  dis- 
tance of  three  leagues  from  Lisbon  and  was 
totally  wrecked.  Talon  an4  his  companions 
were  fortunately  saved,  and  found  themselves 
back  in  France  at  the  beginning  of  the  year 

In  the  meantime  what  was  going  on  in 
Canada  ?  Talon's  successor,  M.  de  Bouteroue, 
was  upright  and  intelligent,  but  without  Talon's 
masterly  gifts  and  activity.  He  attended  prin- 
cipally to  the  administration  of  justice.  At  the 
judicial  sittings  of  the  Sovereign  Council  he 
was  almost  always  present ;  he  himself  heard 

104          THE  GREAT  INTENDANT 

many  cases,  and  often  acted  as  judge-advocate. 
On  his  advice  the  council  gave  out  an  ordinance 
fixing  the  price  of  wheat.  There  had  been 
complaints  that  sometimes  creditors  refused 
to  accept  wheat  in  payment,  or  accepted  it  only 
at  a  price  unreasonably  low.  So  it  was  enacted 
that  for  three  months  after  the  promulgation 
of  the  decree  debtors  should  be  at  liberty  to 
pay  their  creditors  in  wheat  of  good  quality  at 
the  price  of  four  livres  per  bushel. 

The  evil  consequences  of  the  previous  action 
of  the  council  in  freeing  the  brandy  traffic  were 
already  manifest.  The  scourge  of  the  coureurs 
de  bois.  later  to  prove  so  damaging  to  the 
colonv.  was  bgginning  to  be  f elt~  A  new 
ordinance  now  prohibited  the  practice  of  going 
into  the  woods  with  liquor  to  meet  the  Indians 
and  trade  with  them.  This  ordinance  also 
enjoined  sobriety  upon  the  Indians  and  held 
them  responsible  for  the  drunkenness  of  their 
squaws,  while  the  French  were  forbidden  to 
drink  with  them.  Hunting  in  the  forest  was 
only  allowed  by  leave  of  the  commandant  of  the 
district  or  the  nearest  judge,  to  whose  inspection 
all  luggage  and  goods  for  trade  must  be  sub- 
mitted. Brandy  might  be  taken  on  these  ex- 
peditions, but  no  more  than  one  pot  per  man  for 
eight  days.  The  penalty  for  violating  any  of 


these  provisions  of  the  law  was  confiscation, 
with  a  fine  of  fifty  livres  for  a  first  offence  and 
corporal  punishment  for  a  second.  Thus,  but  in 
vain,  did  the  leaders  of  New  France  attempt  to 
stay  the  progress  of  Indian  debauchery. 

During  the  summer  of  1669  a  renewal  of  the 
war  between  the  French  and  the  Iroquois  was 
threatened.  Three  French  soldiers  had  killed 
six  Oneidas,  after  making  them  drunk  for  the 
purpose  of  stealing  their  furs ;  three  other 
soldiers  had  treacherously  murdered  a  Seneca 
chief  for  the  same  purpose.  The  Outaouais 
also,  who  were  in  alliance  with  the  French, 
attacked  a  party  of  Iroquois,  killing  and  captur- 
ing many.  Incensed  at  these  acts  of  hostility, 
the  Iroquois  threatened  to  unbury  the  toma- 
hawk. Courcelle  at  once  set  himself  to  the 
task  of  averting  the  danger.  He  went  to 
Montreal,  where  many  hundred  Indians  had 
gathered  for  the  annual  fair,  to  which  they 
always  came  in  great  numbers  for  the  purpose 
of  exchanging  their  furs  for  goods.  He  con- 
vened a  large  meeting  and  made  an  address  of 
great  vigour  and  cleverness,  his  speech  being 
accompanied  by  appropriate  gifts.  He  then 
proceeded  to  carry  out  the  sentence  of  the  law 
upon  the  murderers  of  the  Seneca  chief,  who 
were  shot  on  the  spot  in  the  presence  of  the 

io6          THE  GREAT  INTENDANT 

assembly.  The  Iroquois  were  placated  ;  three 
men  killed  for  the  death  of  one  convinced  them 
that  French  justice  was  neither  slow  nor  fal- 
tering. In  the  meantime  the  Outaouais  had 
brought  back  three  of  their  prisoners  and  pledged 
themselves  for  the  surrender  of  twelve  others. 
In  this  way  war  was  averted  and  peace  main- 

The  first  ships  coming  from  France  that 
summer  brought  letters  from  Colbert  to 
Courcelle  and  Bouteroue  intimating  that  Talon 
was  returning  to  resume  his  charge.  Bouteroue 
was  probably  surprised  to  learn  that  he  was  to 
be  superseded  so  soon,  and  the  governor  may 
have  been  disappointed  to  hear  of  the  early 
arrival  of  a  man  whose  authority  and  prestige 
made  him  somewhat  uneasy.  But  in  the 
colony  the  rejoicing  was  general.  Mother 
Marie  de  T  Incarnation  wrote :  '  We  expect 
daily  M.  Talon  whom  the  king  sends  back  to 
settle  everything  according  to  His  Majesty's 
views.  He  brings  with  him  five  hundred  men. 
...  If  God  favours  his  journey  and  brings  him 
happily  to  port  he  will  find  new  means  of  in- 
creasing the  country's  wealth.'  Several  weeks 
elapsed,  and  Talon's  ship  did  not  appear. 
Some  anxiety  was  felt.  Mother  Marie  wrote 
again :  '  M.  Talon  has  not  arrived  ;  in  his 


ship  alone  there  were  five  hundred  men.  We 
are  greatly  concerned  at  the  delay.  They  may 
have  landed  again  in  France,  or  have  been  lost 
in  the  storms  which  have  proved  to  be  so  dread- 
ful.' The  autumn  of  1669  had  been  a  stormy 
season.  Fearful  hurricanes  swept  over  Quebec. 
The  lower  town  was  flooded  to  an  incredible 
height,  many  buildings  were  destroyed,  and 
the  havoc  amounted  to  100,000  livres.  All 
this  was  painfully  disquieting.  To  quote 
Mother  Marie  again :  *  If  M.  Talon  has  been 
wrecked,  it  will  be  an  irretrievable  loss  to  the 
colony,  for,  the  king  having  given  him  a  free 
hand,  he  could  undertake  great  things  without 
minding  the  outlay.'  In  the  meantime  M. 
Patoulet,  Talon's  secretary,  who  had  left 
France  on  another  ship  and  had  reached 
Quebec  safely,  wrote  to  Colbert :  *  If  he  is 
dead,  His  Majesty  will  have  lost  a  good  subject, 
yourself,  Monseigneur,  a  faithful  servant, 
Canada  an  affectionate  father,  and  myself  a 
good  master.' 

Fortunately,  as  we  have  already  seen,  Talon 
was  not  lost.  At  the  very  time  when  these 
letters  were  written  he  was  on  his  way  back  to 
France,  where  he  spent  the  winter  hard  at 
work  with  Colbert — preparing  for  the  dispatch 
of  settlers  and  soldiers  in  the  spring.  The 

108          THE  GREAT  INTENDANT 

minister  displayed  the  same  zeal  as  the  year 
before.  He  appropriated  ample  funds,  gave 
urgent  orders,  and  seemed  to  make  the 
Canadian  reinforcements  his  personal  affair. 
Talon  sailed  from  La  Rochelle  about  the 
middle  of  May  1670.  He  was  accompanied 
by  Perrot  again,  and  also  by  six  Recollets,  four 
fathers  and  two  brothers.  After  three  months 
at  sea  he  was  nearly  shipwrecked  once  more, 
this  time  near  Tadoussac,  almost  at  the  end  of 
his  journey.  On  August  18,  after  an  absence 
from  Canada  of  one  year  and  nine  months, 
he  landed  once  more  at  Quebec. 



WHEN  Talon  arrived  at  Quebec,  New  France 
had  again  just  escaped  an  Indian  war.  A 
party  of  Iroquois  hunting  near  the  country  of 
the  Outaouais  met  two  men  of  their  nation 
who  had  been  prisoners  of  the  Outaouais  and 
had  succeeded  in  escaping.  These  informed 
their  fellow-tribesmen  that  the  Outaouais 
village  was  undefended,  almost  every  warrior 
being  absent.  The  Iroquois  then  attacked 
the  village,  destroyed  it,  and  brought  with 
them  as  prisoners  about  one  hundred  women 
and  children.  The  Outaouais  warriors,  when 
apprised  of  the  raid,  started  in  pursuit,  but  did 
not  succeed  in  overtaking  the  raiders.  How- 
ever, receiving  a  reinforcement  of  another 
party  of  allied  Indians,  they  invaded  the 
Senecas'  territory.  These  hostilities  aroused 
the  temper  of  the  Iroquois,  and  a  general 
Indian  war  threatened,  into  which  the  French 
would  unavoidably  be  drawn.  At  that  moment 


no          THE  GREAT  INTENDANT 

Garakonthie,  the  Iroquois  chief  who  had  always 
been  friendly  to  the  French,  advised  the  Five 
Nations  to  send  an  embassy  to  the  governor  of 
Canada  asking  him  to  compose  these  differ- 
ences. The  Five  Nations  agreed,  and  Iroquois 
and  Outaouais  delegates,  many  hundreds  in 
number,  came  to  Quebec.  A  great  council 
was  held  lasting  three  days,  and  Courcelle 
succeeded  in  bringing  about  an  understanding 
between  the  rival  tribes.  After  the  meetings 
Garakonthie  asked  to  be  baptized,  and  Laval 
himself  performed  the  ceremony. 

It  was  but  a  few  days  after  these  events  that 
Talon  arrived,  and,  notwithstanding  the  im- 
provement in  the  situation,  he  does  not  seem 
to  have  deemed  peace  perfectly  secure,  for  he 
wrote  to  the  king  that  it  would  be  advisable 
to  send  two  hundred  more  soldiers.  He  added 
that  the  Iroquois  caused  great  injury  to  the 
trade  of  the  colony  by  hunting  the  beaver  in 
the  territories  of  the  tribes  allied  with  the 
French,  and  selling  the  skins  to  Dutch  and 
English  traders.  In  another  letter  Talon  set 
forth  that  these  traders  drew  from  the  Iroquois 
1,000,000  livres*  worth  of  the  best  beaver,  and 
he  suggested  the  construction  of  a  small  ship 
of  the  galley  type  to  cruise  on  Lake  Ontario, 
and  that  two  posts  manned  by  one  hundred 


picked  soldiers  should  be  established,  one  on  the 
north,  the  other  on  the  south  shore  of  that  lake. 
These  measures  would  ensure  safe  communica- 
tion between  the  colony  and  the  Outaouais 
country,  keep  the  Iroquois  aloof,  and  favour 
the  opening  of  new  roads  to  the  south.  It  was 
a  broad  and  bold  scheme.  But  could  it  be 
executed  over  the  head  of  M.  de  Courcelle  ? 
Talon  had  foreseen  this  objection  and  had 
begged  that  the  governor  should  be  instructed 
to  give  support  and  assistance.  But  once  more 
the  intendant  was  going  beyond  his  authority. 
Such  an  undertaking  was  clearly  within  the 
governor's  province.  Talon  was  told  that  he 
should  lay  his  scheme  before  M.  de  Courcelle, 
so  that  the  governor  might  attend  to  its 

This  incident  sheds  light  upon  the  relations 
that  existed  between  Courcelle  and  Talon. 
The  former  was  valiant,  energetic,  and  intelli- 
gent ;  but  he  felt  that  he  was  outshone  by 
the  latter's  promptness,  celerity  in  design, 
superior  activity,  wider  and  keener  penetration, 
and  he  could  not  conceal  his  displeasure. 

After  the  great  councils  held  at  Quebec, 
the  Senecas  again  assumed  a  somewhat  dis- 
quieting attitude.  The  governor,  they  said, 
had  been  too  hard  on  them.  He  had  threatened 

112          THE  GREAT  INTENDANT 

to  chastise  them  in  their  own  country  if  they 
did  not  bring  back  their  prisoners.  Perhaps 
his  arm  was  not  long  enough  to  strike  so  far. 
Evidently  they  had  forgotten  the  expedition 
against  the  Mohawks  five  years  ago.  They 
were  convinced  that  distance  and  natural 
impediments,  such  as  rapids  and  torrents, 
protected  them  from  invasion  in  their  remote 
country  south  of  Lake  Ontario.  Courcelle 
resolved  to  shake  their  confidence.  Early  in 
the  spring  he  went  to  Montreal  and  ordered 
the  construction  of  a  flat-boat.  In  this  he 
set  out  from  Lachine  (June  3,  1671^  with 
Perrot,  governor  of  Montreal,  'Captain  de 
Laubia,  Varennes,  Le  Moyne,  La  Valliere, 
Normanville,  Abbe  Dollier  de  Casson,  and 
about  fifty  good  men.  Thirteen  canoes  ac- 
companied the  flat-boat.  After  considerable 
exertion,  the  governor  and  his  party  passed  the 
rapids  and  continued  up  the  St  Lawrence  ;  nine 
days  later  they  entered  Lake  Ontario,  to  the 
amazement  of  a  party  of  Iroquois  whom  they 
met  there.  The  governor  gave  these  Indians 
a  message  for  the  Senecas  and  the  other  nations, 
stating  that  he  wished  to  keep  the  peace,  but 
that,  if  necessary,  he  could  come  and  devastate 
their  country.  The  demonstration  had  the  de- 
sired effect  and  there  was  no  further  talk  of  war* 


It  will  be  inferred  from  Talon's  proposals 
and  schemes  already  mentioned  that  his 
thoughts  were  now  occupied  with  the  external 
affairs  of  the  colony.  This  indeed  was  to  be 
the  characteristic  feature  of  his  second  ad- 
ministration. When  in  Canada  before  he  ha 
concentrated  his  attention  chiefly  upon  judicial 
and  political  organization,  and  had  directed  his 
efforts  to  promote  colonization,  agriculture, 
industry,  and  trade — in  a  word,  the  internal 
economy  of  New  France.  But  now,  without 
neglecting  any  part  of  his  duty,  he  seemed 
desirous  of  widening  his  sphere  of  action  by 
the  extension  of  French  influence  to  the  north, 
south,  and  west.  On  October  10,  1670,  he 
wrote  to  the  king  :  '  Since  my  arrival,  I  have 
sent  resolute  men  to  explore  farther  than  has 
ever  been  done  in  Canada,  some  to  the  west 
and  north-west,  others  to  the  south-west  and 
south.  They  will  all  on  their  return  write 
accounts  of  their  expeditions  and  frame  their 
reports  according  to  the  instructions  I  have 
given  them.  Everywhere  they  will  take  posses- 
sion of  the  country,  erect  posts  bearing  the 
king's  arms,  and  draw  up  memoranda  of  these 
proceedings  to  serve  as  title-deeds.' 

Of  these  explorers  one  of  the  most  noted  was 
Cavelier  de  la  Salle.     He  had  been  born  in 
0.1.  H 

114          THE  GREAT  INTENDANT 

1643.  After  pursuing  his  studies  in  a  Jesuit 
college  he  came  to  Canada  in  1666  and  obtained 
from  the  Sulpicians  a  grant  of  land  near 
Montreal,  named  by  him  Saint-Sulpice,  but 
ultimately  known  under  the  name  of  Lachine. 
In  1669  Courcelle  gave  him  letters  patent  for 
an  exploring  journey  towards  the  Ohio  and 
the  Meschacebe,  or  Mississippi.  By  way  of 
these  rivers  he  hoped  to  reach  the  Vermilion 
Sea,  or  Gulf  of  California,  and  thus  open  a  new 
road  to  China  via  the  Pacific  ocean.  At  the 
same  time  the  Abbes  Dollier  and  de  Galinee, 
Sulpicians,  had  prepared  for  a  remote  mission 
to  the  Outaouais.  It  was  thought  advisable 
to  combine  the  two  expeditions.  Thus  it 
happened  that  La  Salle  and  the  Sulpicians  left 
Montreal  in  1669  and  journeyed  together  as 
far  as  the  western  end  of  Lake  Ontario.  There 
they  parted.  The  Sulpicians  wintered  on  the 
shores  of  Lake  Erie,  and  next  spring  passed 
the  strait  between  Lakes  Erie  and  Huron, 
reached  the  Sault  Sainte-Marie,  and  then  re- 
turned to  Montreal  by  French  river,  Lake 
Nipissing,  and  the  Ottawa  river.  Their 
journey  lasted  from  July  4,  1669,  to  June  18, 
1670.  In  the  meantime  La  Salle  had  reached 
the  Ohio  and  had  followed  it  to  the  falls  at 
Louisville.  He  also  returned  in  the  summer  of 


1670.  The  itinerary  of  his  next  expedition, 
undertaken  in  the  same  year,  is  not  very  well 
known.  According  to  an  account  of  doubtful 
authority,  he  went  through  Lakes  Erie  and 
Huron,  entered  Lake  Michigan,  reached  the 
Illinois  river,  and  even  the  Mississippi.  But  a 
careful  study  of  contemporaneous  documents 
and  evidence  leads  to  the  conclusion  that  the 
Mississippi  must  be  omitted  from  this  itinerary. 
In  our  opinion  La  Salle  did  not  reach  that 
river  in  1671,  as  has  been  asserted;  he  pro- 
bably went  as  far  as  the  Illinois  country. 

Another  of  Talon's  resolute  explorers  was 
Simon  Franc,  ois  Daumont  de  Saint- Lusson. 
Accompanied  by  Nicolas  Perrot,  the  well- 
known  interpreter,  he  left  Quebec  in  September 
1670,  and  wintered  with  an  Outaouais  tribe 
near  Lake  Superior.  Perrot  sent  word  to  the 
neighbouring  nations  that  they  should  meet 
next  spring  at  Sault  Sainte-Marie  a  delegate 
of  the  great  French  Ononthio.1  On  June 
14  representatives  of  fourteen  nations  were 

1  This  was  the  name  given  by  the  Indians  to  the  king  of 
France;  the  governor  was  called  by  them  Ononthio,  which 
means  'great  mountain,'  because  that  was  the  translation  of 
Montmagny— tnons  magnua  in  Latin— the  name  of  Champlain's 
first  successor.  From  M.  de  Montmagny  the  name  had  passed 
to  the  other  governors,  and  the  king  had  become  the  *  great 


gathered  at  the  Sault.  The  Jesuit  fathers 
Dablon,  Dreuillettes,  Allouez,  and  Andre  were 
present.  A  great  council  was  held  on  a  height. 
Saint-Lusson  had  a  cross  erected  with  a  post 
bearing  the  king's  arms.  The  Vexilla  Regis 
and  the  Exaudiat  were  sung.  The  intendant's 
delegates  took  possession  of  the  country  in  the 
name  of  their  monarch.  There  was  firing 
of  guns  and  shouts  of  'Vive  le  roi!9  Then 
Father  Allouez  and  Saint-Lusson  made 
speeches  suitable  to  the  occasion  and  the 
audience.  At  night  the  blaze  of  an  immense 
bonfire  illuminated  with  its  fitful  light  the 
dark  trees  and  foaming  rapids.  The  singing 
of  the  Te  Deum  crowned  that  memorable  day. 

The  intendant  was  pleased  with  the  result 
of  Saint-Lusson's  expedition.  He  wrote  to  the 
king :  '  There  is  every  reason  to  believe  that 
from  the  point  reached  by  this  explorer  to  the 
Vermilion  Sea  is  a  distance  of  not  more  than 
three  hundred  leagues.  The  Western  Sea 
[the  Pacific  ocean]  does  not  seem  more  distant. 
According  to  calculation  based  on  the  Indians' 
reports  and  on  the  charts,  there  should  not  be 
more  than  fifteen  hundred  leagues  of  naviga- 
tion to  reach  Tartary,  China,  and  Japan.' 

Talon  showed  his  high  appreciation  of  Saint- 
Lusson's  services  by  immediately  giving  him 


another  mission — this  time  to  Acadia,  for  the 
purpose  of  finding  and  reporting  as  to  the  best 
road  to  that  colony.  In  1670  Grandfontaine 
had  taken  possession  of  Acadia,  which  had 
been  restored  to  France  by  the  treaty  of  Breda. 
He  had  received  from  Sir  Richard  Walker  the 
keys  of  Fort  Pentagouet,  at  the  mouth  of  the 
Penobscot  river,  and  had  sent  Joybert  de 
Soulanges  to  hoist  the  French  flag  over  Jemsek 
and  Port  Royal.  It  was  therefore  incumbent 
on  the  intendant  to  see  to  the  opening  of  a 
road  between  Quebec  and  Pentagouet.  His 
letters  and  those  of  Colbert  written  in  1671  are 
full  of  this  project.  A  fund  of  thirty  thousand 
livres  was  appropriated  for  the  purpose.  The 
intendant's  plan  was  to  erect  about  twenty 
houses  well  provided  with  stores  along  the 
proposed  route  at  intervals  of  sixty  leagues. 
He  also  had  in  mind  the  establishment  of 
settlements  along  the  rivers  Penobscot  and 
Kennebec,  to  form  a  barrier  between  New 
France  and  New  England.  With  the  object 
of  establishing  trade  relations  between  Canada 
and  Acadia,  he  sent  to  the  French  Bay  (Bay  of 
Fundy)  a  barge  loaded  with  clothes  and  supplies, 
and  was  extremely  pleased  to  receive  in  return 
a  cargo  of  six  thousand  pounds  of  salt  meat. 
In  1671,  for  Colbert's  information,  he  drew  up 


a  census  of  Acadia.1  But,  as  we  shall  see,  the 
great  intendant  was  not  to  remain  in  Canada 
long  enough  to  bring  his  Acadian  undertaking 
to  full  fruition. 

Let  us  follow  him  in  another  direction.  He 
had  tried  to  extend  the  sphere  of  French  influ- 
ence towards  the  west  and  south,  and  was 
doing  his  best  to  strengthen  Canada  on  the 
New  England  border  by  promoting  the  develop- 
ment of  Acadia.  His  next  attempt  was  to 
bring  the  northern  tribes  into  the  French 
alliance  and  to  open  to  the  colony  the  trade 
of  the  wide  area  extending  from  Lake  St 
John  to  Lake  Mistassini  and  thence  to  Hudson 
Bay.  For  an  expedition  to  Hudson  Bay  he 
chose  Father  Albanel,  a  Jesuit,  and  M.  de 
Saint-Simon.  They  left  Quebec  for  Tadoussac 
in  August  1671,  and  ascended  the  Saguenay 
to  Lake  St  John  where  they  wintered.  In  June 
1672  they  continued  their  journey,  reaching 
Lake  Mistassini  on  the  i8th  of  the  same 
month  and  James  Bay  on  the  28th.  After 
formally  taking  possession  of  the  country  in 
the  name  of  France,  they  returned  by  the 

1  The  figures  were— Port  Royal,  359 ;  Poboncoup,  u ;  Cap 
Negre,  3 ;  Pentagouet,  6  and  25  soldiers ;  Mouskadabouet, 
13 ;  Saint- Pierre,  7.  Total  399,  or,  including  the  soldiers,  424. 
There  were  429  cultivated  acres,  866  head  of  cattle,  407  sheep 
and  36  goats. 


same  route  to  Quebec,  where  on  July  23  they 
laid  their  report  before  the  intendant. 

One  of  the  last  but  not  the  least  of  the 
.explorations  made  under  Talon's  auspices  was 
that  which  he  entrusted  to  Louis  Jolliet,  and 
which  resulted  in  the  discovery  of  the  upper 
Mississippi.  Jolliet  left  Montreal  in  the 
autumn  of  1672  and  wintered  at  Michili- 
mackinac,  where  he  joined  Father  Marquette. 
Next  spring  they  set  out  together,  and  by  way 
of  Lake  Michigan,  Green  Bay,  Fox  river,  and 
the  Wisconsin  they  reached  the  giant  river, 
the  mighty  Mississippi,  which  they  followed 
down  as  far  as  latitude  33°.  Thus  was  dis- 
covered the  highway  through  the  interior  of 
the  continent  to  the  Gulf  of  Mexico.  One 
result  of  the  discovery  was  the  birth  of  Louisiana 
a  few  years  later. 

Talon's  patriotic  enthusiasm  was  justified 
when  he  wrote  to  Louis  XIV :  c  I  am  no 
courtier  and  it  is  not  to  please  the  king  or  with- 
out reason  that  I  say  this  portion  of  the  French 
monarchy  is  going  to  become  something  great. 
What  I  see  now  enables  me  to  make  such  a 
prediction.  The  foreign  colonies  established 
on  the  adjoining  shores  of  the  ocean  are 
already  uneasy  at  what  His  Majesty  has  done 
here  during  the  last  seven  years.'  This  con- 

120          THE  GREAT  INTENDANT 

fidence  was  probably  not  shared  by  the  king  and 
his  minister,  for,  in  a  letter  to  Frontenac 
some  time  later,  Colbert  remonstrated  against 
long  journeys  to  the  upper  St  Lawrence  and 
outlying  settlements,  and  expressed  his  dis- 
approval of  discoveries  far  away  in  the  interior 
of  the  continent  where  the  French  could  never 
settle  or  remain.  Undoubtedly  it  was  wise  to 
•advise  concentration,  and  Talon  himself  would 
not  have  differed  on  that  score  from  the 
minister.  He  was  too  sagacious  not  to  see 
that  Canada  with  a  small  population  should 
abstain  from  remote  .  establishments.  Jgig. 
policy  of  exploration  and  discovery  did  not 
aim  at  the  immediate  foundation  of  new 
colonies,  but  was  only  directed  towards  in- 
creasing the  prestige  of  the  French  name, 
developing  trade,  and  thus  preparing  the  way 
for  the  future  greatness  of  Canada.  It  was 
a  far-sighted  policy,  not  seeking  impossible 
achievements  for  to-day,  but  gaining  a  foot- 
hold for  those  of  to-morrow.  That  the  political 
fabric  of  France  in  America  was  doomed  to 
fall  in  no  way  dims  the  fame  of  the  great  in- 
tendant/ "  Under  his  powerful  direction  New 
France,  through  her  missionaries,  explorers, 
and  traders,  stamped  her  mark  over  three- 
quarters  of  the  territory  then  known  as  North 


America.  Her  moral,  political,  and  com- 
mercial influence  was  felt  beyond  her 
boundaries^/vest,  north,  and  south.  She  had 
hoisted  the  cross  and  the  fleurs-de-lis  from  the 
sunny  banks  of  the  Arkansas  to  the  icy  shores 
of  Hudson  Bay,  and  from  the  surges  of  the 
Atlantic  to  the  remotest  limits  of  the  Great 
Lakes.  Her  unceasing  activity  and  daring 
enterprise,  supplementing  inferior  numbers 
and  wealth,  gave  her  an  undisputed  superiority 
over  the  industrious  English  colonies  confined 
to  their  narrow  strip  between  the  Alleghanies 
and  the  sea ;  and  her  name  inspired  awe  and 
respect  in  a  hundred  Indian  tribes. 

What  was  Courcelle's  attitude  towards  the 
extraordinary  activity  displayed  by  Talon  ? 
Evidently  the  intendant  often  acted  the  part 
of  the  governor ;  and  the  real  governor,  out- 
shone, could  not  conceal  his  ill-humour,  and 
tried  to  assert  his  authority.  .There  were 
several  clashes  between  the  two  high  officials. 
The  governor  frequently  lost  his  temper,  while 
Talon  complained  of  Courcelle's  jealousy  and 
harshness.  It  must  be  admitted  that  the  great 
intendant,  in  his  fervid  zeal  for  the  public  good 
and  his  passion  for  action,  was  not_always 
.careful^  or  tactful  in  his  behaviour  to 



IN  the  survey  of  Talon's  first  term  of  office 
mention  was  made  of  the  many  enterprises 
he  set  on  foot  for  the  internal  progress  of  the 
colony.  One  of  these  was  shipbuilding.  Dur- 
ing his  second  term  a  stronger  impulse  was 
given  to  this  industry.  One  of  the  intendant's 
first  official  acts  after  his  arrival  in  1670  was 
to  issue  a  decree  for  the  conservation  of  the. 
forests  suitable  for  shipbuilding  purposes — 
to  prohibit  the  felling  of  oak,  elm,  beech,  and 
cherry  trees  until  the  skilled  carpenters  sent 
by  the  king  should  have  inspected  them  and 
made  their  choice.  It  is  interesting,  too,  to 
find  that  in  all  grants  of  land  Talon  inserted 
a  clause  reserving  these  trees.  Shipbuilding 
in  Canada  was  to  be  encouraged  and  promoted. 
Had  not  Colbert  given  forty  thousand  livres 
for  the  purpose  ?  A  shipyard  was  set  up  on 
the  banks  of  the  St  Charles  river.  Many  ships 
were  built  there ;  at  first  only  small  ones,  but 



the  industry  gradually  developed.  In  1672  a 
ship  of  over  four  hundred  tons  was  launched, 
and  preparations  had  been  made  for  another 
of  eight  hundred  tons.  Seven  years  earlier  only 
nineteen  out  of  2378  vessels  in  the  French  mer- 
cantile marine  had  exceeded  four  hundred  tons. 
The  infant  shipyard  at  Quebec  was  doing  well. 
Agriculture  and  industry  were  flourishing 
in  New  France.  Hemp  was  being  grown  suc- 
cessfully, and  a  larger  quantity  of  wool  was 
made  available  by  increasing  flocks  of  sheep. 
The  intendant  ins^tej^hai.^am^n...and  girls 
should  be  taught  tcTspin.  He  distributed  looms 
to  encourage  the  practice  of  weaving,  jmQftej: 
a  time  the  colony  had  home-made  carpets  and 
table-covers  of  drugget,  and  serges  and  bunt- 
ings. The  great  number  of  cattle  ensured  jin 
abundance^  of^raw_hdgs. 

^  _ 

intendan^  established_a_  jannery,  and,,  this  in 
turn  Jed  to  the  preparation  of  leather  and  the 
making^  ofjshoes  ;  so  that  in  i67TTaToin56uI3 
write  to  the  king  :*4<  I  am  now  clothed  frora 
foot  to  head  with  home-made  articles.*  Tobacco 
was  grown  to  some  extent,  but  Colbert  did  not 
wish  to  encourage  its  cultivation  by  the 
Canadian  farmers.  The  minister  was  better 
pleased  when  the  intendant  wrote  concerning 
potash  and  tar.  A  Sieur  Nicolas  Follin  under- 

124          THE  GREAT  INTENDANT 

took  to  make  potash  out  of  wood  ashes,  and  was 
granted  a  privilege  with  a  bounty  of  ten  sous 
per  ton  and  free  entry  into  France  for  his  pro- 
duct. The  potash  proved  excellent.  In  the 
meantime  an  expert  on  tar  named  Arnould 
Alix  came  from  France  and  found  that  the 
Canadian  trees  were  eminently  fit  for  the  pro- 
duction of  that  article,  so  necessary  in  ship- 
building ;  indeed  at  this  time  Colbert  was  doing 
his  best  to  manufacture  it  in  France  so  that  the 
shipyards  of  the  kingdom  might  use  French  tar 
instead  of  the  foreign  product.  The  news  that 
it  could  be  made  in  Canada  was  very  welcome 
to  the  minister. 

The  intendant  continued  his  search  for  mines, 
but  without  substantial  results.  There  had  been 
much  talk  of  iron  ore  at  Baie  Saint-Paul  and 
also  in  the  region  of  Three  Rivers.  The  Sieur 
de  la  Potardiere  was  sent  to  examine  these 
ores;  but,  although  his  report  was  favourable 
and  Colbert  seemed  highly  interested  and  began 
to  speak  of  casting  cannon  on  the  shores  of  the 
Saint-Maurice,  for  some  reason  nothing  was 
done,  and  sixty  years  were  to  elapse  before  the 
establishment  of  the  Saint-Maurice  forges. 

In  another  chapter  we  saw  that  TalorjLHSS 
always  ready  to  help  the  religious  institutions. 
and  that  he  was  very  friendly  towards  the 


Hotel-Dieu  at  Quebec.  This  hospital  had 
become  too  small  for  the  requirements  of  the 
growing  population.  At  his  own  expense  the 
intendant  had  a  substantial  wing  erected, 
superintending  the  work  himself  and  at  the 
same  time  securing  for  the  institution  an 
abundant  supply  of  water.  The  Ursulines  also 
received  ample  evidence  of  his  goodwill  and 
friendship.  He  was  greatly  pleased  with  their 
Seminaire  Sauvage  (Indian  seminary),  where 
they  displayed  an  unceasing  zeal  for  the  in- 
struction and  civilization  of  the  little  red- 
skinned  girls.  The  Jesuit  Relation  of  1671 
'mentions  the  baptism  of  an  Indian  girl  with 
her  mother.  Talon  wished  to  be  godfather 
and  asked  Madame  d'Ailleboust  to  act  as 
godmother.  Laval  officiated.  In  1671  the 
Ursulines  had  fifty  Indian  girls  in  their  Semi- 
naire Sauvage,  and  in  Montreal  the  Sulpicians 
and  the  Sisters  of  the  Congregation,  as  already 
narrated,  were  devoting  themselves  to  the 
Indian  children.  In  this  good  work  the  in- 
tendant was  greatly  interested.  He  rejoiced 
in  educational  progress,  as  is  shown  by  the 
following  from  one  of  his  letters  to  the  king  : 

The  Canadian  youth  are  improving  their 
knowledge.     They    take    to     schools    for 

126          THE  GREAT  INTENDANT 

sciences,  arts,  handicrafts,  and  especially 
navigation ;  and  if  the  movement  is  sus- 
tained there  is  every  reason  to  hope  that 
this  country  will  produce  mariners,  fisher- 
men, seamen,  and  skilled  workmen ;  for 
the  youth  here  are  naturally  inclined  to 
these  pursuits.  The  Sieur  de  Saint-Martin 
(a  lay  brother  at  the  Jesuits),  who  knows 
enough  mathematics,  is  going  to  give 
lessons  at  my  request. 

New  France  at  this  time  was  prosperous  and 
happy.  '  Peace  reigns  within  as  well  as  with- 
out the  colony,'  wrote  Talon  at  the  end  of  the 
year  1671.  There  was  work  and  activity  on 
all  sides.  New  settlements  were  opened,  new 
families  were  founded,  new  industries  were 
born.  No  wonder  that  Talon,  when  he  re- 
flected on  what  had  been  achieved  in  seven 
years,  should  have  written  :  '  This  portion  of 
the  French  monarchy  is  going  to  become 
something  great.' 

Unfortunately  his  activities  and  service  in 
Canada  were  nearing  their  end.  His  health 
was  breaking  down.  Louis  XIV  had  promised 
that  he  should  be  relieved  from  his  arduous 
task  in  two  years.  Talon  reminded  his  royal 
master  of  this  promise,  and  on  May  17,  1672, 


the  king  was  pleased  to  give  him  permission 
to  come  home.  Courcelle  had  asked  for  his 
own  recall ;  his  request  was  also  granted  and 
the  Comte  de  Frontenac  was  named  in  his  stead. 
No  intendant  was  appointed  to  fill  Talon's  place. 
At  the  beginning  of  September  1672,  while  Talon 
had  still  two  months  to  serve,  Frontenac 
arrived  in  Quebec  to  take  up  his  duties  as  the 
sole  executive  head  of  the  colony.1 

One  of  Talon's  last  official  acts  was  the 
allotment,  under  authority  of  a  decree  of  the 
King's  Council  of  State,  of  a  large  number  of 
seigneuries — a  matter  of  the  highest  import- 
ance for  the  development  of  the  colony.  He 
set  himself  to  the  task  with  his  usual  activ- 
ity and  earnestness.  From  October  10  to 
November  8  he  authorized  about  sixty  sei- 
gneurial  concessions  to  officers  and  others 
desirous  of  forming  settlements.  In  one  day 
alone  (November  3)  he  made  thirty-one  grants. 
The  autumn  of  1672,  during  which  all  these 
seigneuries  were  created,  should  be  remembered 
in  the  history  of  New  France.  Before  Talon, 
it  is  true,  seigneurial  grants  had  been  made  in 
Canada,  but  only  intermittently  and  without 
any  preconceived  plan  or  well-defined  object. 

1  Another  volume  of  thisi  Series,  The  Fighting  Governor,  tells 
of  what  happened  in  New  France  in  Frontenac's  time. 

128          THE  GREAT  INTENDANT 

Now  it  was  quite  different.  The  grants  made 
by  Talon,  and  the  way  in  which  they  were 
made,  show  clearly  the  execution  of  a  well 
thought-out  scheme.  If  Talon  was  not  the 
founder  he  was  the  organizer  of  the  seigneurial 
institution  in  Canada.  The  object  was  twofold— 
to  protect  and  to  colonize  the  country.  By  his 
concessions  to  Sorel,  Chambly,  Varennes,  Saint- 
Ours,  Contrecoeur — all  officers  of  the  Carignan 
regiment — he  created  so  many  little  military 
colonies  whose  population  would  be  composed 
chiefly  of  disbanded  soldiers.  These,  being 
warriors  as  well  as  farmers,  would  be  a  strong 
barrier  against  possible  Iroquois  incursions.  J- 

^>  His  second  object,  to  stimulate  colonization  in 
general,  was  anticipated  by  a  provision — in- 
serted in  each  grant — that  the  seigneurs  should 
live  on  their  domains,  and  that  their  tenants 
should  do  the  same ;  this  would  mean  the 
planting  of  many  new  settlements  on  both 
shores  of  the  St  Lawrence.  It  was  a  sound 

-i  policy.  For  over  a  century  the  seigneurial 
\  system  was  to  Canada  a  source  of  strength  and 
*  progress.1  Its  organization  was  the  crown- 

1  This  view  is  fully  sustained  by  Prof.  W.  B.  Munro  of 
Harvard  University,  who  has  made  an  exhaustive  study  of  the 
subject.  The  reader  is  referred  to  the  narrative  of  The  Seigneurs 
of  Old  Canada  in  the  present  Series,  written  by  him. 


ing   work   of   the   intendant   Talon   in   New  j 

Talon's  task  was  over.  He  had  happily 
fulfilled  his  mission.  He  had  set  government 
and  justice  upon  a  foundation  which  was  to 
last  until  the  fall  of  the  old  regime.  He  had 
given  a  mighty  impulse  to  agriculture,  coloniza- 
tion, trade,  industry,  naval  construction.  He 
had  encouraged  educational  and  charitable  in- 
stitutions, created  new  centres  of  population,, 
strengthened  the  frontiers  of  Canada,  and,  with  \ 
admirable  forethought,  had  prepared  the  way 
for  the  future  extension  and  growth  of  the- 
colony.  He  has  had  his  critics.  The  word 
paternalism  has  been  used  to  describe  the 
system  carried  out  by  him  and  by  Colbert.  He 
has  been  accused  of  having  too  willingly  sub- 
stituted governmental  action  for  individual 
activity.  But,  taking  into  consideration  the 
time  and  circumstances,  such  criticism  is  not 
justified.  When  Talon  came  to  Canada,  the 
colony  was  dying.  A  policy  of  ensuring  pro- 
tection, of  liberal  and  continuous  subvention, 
of  intelligent  state  initiative,  was  a  necessity 
of  the  hour.  Everywhere  ground  had  to  be 
broken,  and  the  government  alone  could  do  it. 
The  policy  of  Colbert  and  Talon  saved  the 
colony.  S 

T  / 


130          THE  GREAT  INTENDANT 

The  great  intendant  left  Canada  in  November 
1672.  It  was  a  mournful  day  for  New  France. 
In  recognition  of  his  services  the  king  had 
made  a  barony  of  his  estate,  '  des  Islets/  and 
had  created  him  Baron  des  Islets.  Later  on 
he  became  Comte  d'Orsainville.  He  had  pre- 
viously been  appointed  Captain  of  the  Marie- 
mont  Castle. 

Talon  never  came  back  to  Canada.  Louis 
XIV  and  Colbert  received  him  with  expressions 
of  the  greatest  satisfaction.  After  a  time  he 
became  premier  valet  de  la  garde-robe  du  roi 
(first  valet  of  the  king's  wardrobe),  and  finally 
he  attained  the  coveted  office  of  secretary  of 
the  king's  cabinet.  He  died  on  November  24, 
1694,  at  the  age  of  about  sixty-nine  years, 
twenty-two  years  after  his  departure  from 

Jean  Talon  is  one  of  the  great  names  in 
Canadian  history — the  name  of  one  of  the 
makers  of  Canada. 


THE  author's  larger  work,  Jean  Talon,  Inteudant 
de  la  Nouvelle  Prance,  is  the  principal  source  of 
information  for  the  foregoing  narrative.  Consult 
also  Parkman,  The  Old  Regime  in  Canada; 
Colby,  Canadian  Types  of  the  Old  Regime ;  Kings- 
ford,  The  History  of  Canada,  vol.  i. ;  the  chapters, 
'The  Colony  in  its  Political  Relations '  and  *  The 
Colony  in  its  Economic  Relations,'  by  Adam 
Shortt  and  Thomas  Chapais,  in  Canada  and  its 
Provinces,  vol.  ii. 


Acadia,  restored  to  France, 
117  ;  Talon  establishes  trade 
relations  with,  117 ;  census 
of  1671,  118  note. 

Ailleboust,  Madame  de,  zi  ; 
with  Talon  at  baptism  of 
Indian,  125. 

Albanel,  Father,  accompanies 
expedition  topunish  Iroquois, 
30  ;  sent  by  Talon  to  Hudson 
Bay,  118-19. 

Alix,  Arnould,  reports  favour- 
ably on  Canadian  tar,  124. 

Allouez,  Father,  finds  copper 
on  shores  of  Lake  Huron, 
51 ;  at  Indian  gathering  at 
Sault  Sainte-Marie,  116. 

Andaraque,  a  stronghold  of 
the  Mohawks  taken  by  the 
French  and  burned,  34-5. 

Auteuil,  attorney-general,  and 
the  tithes  question,  90. 

Avaugour,  governor  of  New 
France,  4, 64 ;  and  the  brandy 
traffic,  77. 

Bernieres,  Henri  de,  vicar- 
general,  ii. 

Beschefer,  Father,  and  the 
treaty  with  the  Iroquois, 

Boucher,  Pierre,  governor  of 
Three  Rivers,  sent  as  a 
delegate  to  France,  4. 

Bourdon,      Jean,       attorney- 

G.l.  I  2 

general,  16,  17, 65 ;  on  public 
morality,  70  ;  and  the  brandy 
traffic,  78. 

Bourdon,  Madame,  girls  from 
France  entrusted  to  her  care, 

Bourgeoys,  Marguerite,  and 
the  Frenchification  of  the 
Indians,  94. 

Bouteroue,  Claude  de,  succeeds 
Talon  as  intendant,  96, 103-4  > 
superseded  by  Talon,  106. 

Brandy  traffic,  2  ;  pleas  for  and 
against,  77-84;  a  new  ordi- 
nance anent,  104-5. 

Bruyas,  Father,  among  the 
Oneidas,  95. 

Cape  Breton,  Talon  interested 
in  coal-mine  at,  51,  52. 

Carheil,  Father  de,  among  the 
Cayugas,  95. 

Cangnan  -  S  alieres  regiment, 
welcomed  to  Quebec,  6 ;  some 
officers  and  men  persuaded 
by  Talon  to  settle  in  New 
France,  48,  58-9. 

Chambly,  Captain  de,  and  the 
Iroquois,  17  ;  receives  con- 
cession of  land,  128. 

Charlesbourg,  Talon's  plan  of 
the  settlements  of,  22-3,  45-6. 

Charron,  Claude,  12 ;  elected 
syndic  of  the  habitants,  68. 

Chartier    de    Lotbiniere,    M., 



lieutenant  civil  and  criminal. 
16,  63,  86. 

Clergy  in  New  France,  their 
numbers  in  1666-67,  23. 
Colbert,  Jean  Baptiste,  minister 
of  Louis  XIV,  3-4;  and 
Talon,  7,  21,  39-40; -ra>,  130 ; 
difficulties  of,  41  ;  grants 
freedom  of  trade  to  New 
France  for  one  year,  42 ; 
decides  sum  to  be  paid  by 
West  India  Company  to 
New  France,  43-4 ;  en- 
courages emigration  to  New 
France,  54 ;  advocates  early 
marriage  among  colonists 
and  imposes  a  penalty  on 
bachelors,  55-6 ;  sends  out 
wives  to  the  colonists,  57 ; 
[qnjudicialiurisdictionin  New 
"•"ranee,  70  ;  approves  of  the 
randy  traffic,  79 ;  his  en- 
thusiasm in  the  cause  of  New 
rrance,  98-101. 

Company  of  the  One  Hundred 
Associates,  their  charter  can- 
celled, 20. 

Congregation  of  Notre-Dame, 
the,  and  the  Frenchification 
of  the  Indians,  94. 

Contrecceur,  Captain  de,  settles 
in  New  France,  59,  128. 

Courcelle,  David  de  Remy, 
Sieur  de,  governor  of  New 
France,  6,  18 ;  on  the  Sove- 
reign Council,  16-17,  65,  70, 
88-90,  92 ;  his  disastrous 
expedition  against  the 
Mohawks,  26-7  ;  with  Tracy 
inflicts  punishment  on  the 
Mohawks,  29-37;  his  rela- 
tions with  Talon,  74-5,  106, 
in,  121 ;  averts  a  renewal 
of  Iroquois  hostilities,  105-6, 

no;  his  expedition  against 
the  Senecas,  112  ;  his  re- 
quest to  be  recalled  granted, 

Damours,  Mathieu,  member  of 
the  Sovereign  Council,  15, 
16,  66. 

Denonville,  governor  of  New 
France,  his  opposition  to  the 
brandy  traffic,  81-2. 

Dollier  de  Casson,  Abb6,  ac- 
companies expedition  against 
the  Mohawks,  31 ;  on  the 
brandy  traffic,  81  ;  in  expedi- 
tion against  the  Senecas, 
112 ;  on  mission  to  the 
Outaouais,  114. 

Dubois,  Abbe,  accompanies  ex- 
pedition against  Mohawks, 

Dubois,  Jean- Baptiste,  Talon's 

deputy  at  Andaraque,  35. 
Duchesneau,  intendant  of  New 

France,    on   trade   relations 

with  the  West  Indies,  51. 

Five  Nations,  tribes  of,  25  note  ; 
send  embassy  to  Courcelle, 

Follin,  Sieur  Nicolas,  manu- 
factures potash  in  New 
France,  123-4. 

Francheville,  Pierre  de,  a 
promising  pupil  of  the  Jesuits' 
College,  92. 

Frontenac,  Comte  de,  arrives 
in  New  France  as  governor, 
127  ;  approves  of  the  brandy 
traffic,  79. 

Galinee,  Abb6  de,  94 ;  on 
mission  to  the  Outaouais, 



Garakonthie",  an  Iroquois  chief, 
25  ;  baptized  by  Laval,  no. 

Habitants,  wives  of  the,  54-5, 
57-8,  59 ;  syndic  of  the,  66, 

H6tel-Dieu,the,  n  ;  Talon  adds 
a  wing  to,  125. 

Iroquois,  prove  a  scourge  in 
New  France,  2 ;  preparations 
against,  17;  impressed  by 
Courcelle's  expedition,  25, 27 ; 
make  a  treaty  of  peace,  37 ; 
and  the  brandy  traffic,  80- 1 ; 
request  missionaries  to  be 
sent  to  them,  37, 95  ;  threaten 
to  unbury  the  natchet,  105-6  ; 
and  Outaouais  hostilities,  109- 

Indians,  effect  of  the  brandy 
traffic  on,  77,  80 ;  their 
opposition,  80-2 ;  Frenchifica- 
tion  of,  91-2,  93-5. 

Jesuits'  College,  10;  its  high 
standing  in  New  France,  92. 

Jolliet,  Louis,  a  promising 
pupil  of  the  Jesuits'  College, 
92  ;  sent  by  Talon  on  explor- 
ing expedition,  119. 

La  Chesnaye,  Charles  Aubert 
de,  12 ;  his  declaration  in 
favour  of  commercial  freedom, 

La  Mothe,  Captain  de,  his  com- 
pensation for  marrying  and 
settling  in  New  France,  56-7. 

La  Mothe,  Jacques  de,  fined 
for  contravention  of  trade 
regulations,  65-6. 

Langelier,  Sebastien,  his  dis- 
orderly wife,  70. 

La  Peltrie,  Madame  de,  and 
the  Frenchification  of  the 
Indians,  03. 

La  Potardiere,  Sieurde,  reports 
favourably  on  iron  ores  in 
Canada,  124. 

La  Salle,  Robert  Cavelier  de, 
sent  on  exploring  expedition 
by  Talon,  113-15. 

La  Tesserie,  M.  de,  member  of 
the  Sovereign  Council,  66. 

Laval,  Monseigneur  de,  spiri- 
tual head  of  New  France,  4, 
n  ;  on  Sovereign  Council, 
I^,  65,  70  ;  his  opposition  to 
the  brandy  traffic,  77-81 ; 
referred  to  in  Talon's  instruc- 
tions, 85  ;  his  great  influence 
in  Quebec,  86;  obtains  a 
decree  imposing  payment  of 
tithes,  88-9  >  his  interest  in 
the  Frenchification  of  the 
Indians,  91-2  ;  his  opinion  of 
the  Jesuits'  College,  92 ;  with 
Talon  at  Indian  baptism,  125. 

Le  Mercier,  Father,  superior 
of  the  Jesuits,  n  ;  on  the 
settlements  on  the  St  Law- 
rence, 48. 

Le  Mire,  Jean,  elected  syndic  of 
the  habitants,  n,  68. 

Le  Moyne,  Charles,  Baron  de 
Longueuil,  14-15 ;  in  expedi- 
tions against  the  Mohawks, 
30  ;  and  against  the  Senecas, 

Lenoir,  Franqois,  breaks  the 
order  of  Talon  concerning 
bachelors,  56. 

Louis  XIV.  not  only  king  but 
ruler,  3  ;  his  interest  in  New 
France,  5,  21,  54,  99,  100 ; 
cost  in  men  of  wars  of,  40  ;  a 
bright  period  in  his  reign, 


98 ;  reinstates  Talon,  101-2  ; 
honours  Talon,  130. 

Marie  de  1'Incarnation,  mother 
superior  of  the  Ursulines, 
II ;  on  the  Carignan-Salieres 
settlers,  48 ;  on  the  girls 
sent  from  France,  54;  and 
the  Frenchification  of  the 
Indians,  93-4 ;  on  Talon's 
leaving  New  France,  96 ; 
her  concern  at  Talon's  delay 
in  returning  to  New  France, 

Marquette,  Father,  in  explor- 
ing expedition  to  the  Missis- 
sippi, 119. 

Mazarin,  Cardinal,  3. 

M6zy,  governor  of  New 
France,  6,  15,  16,  17;  and 
municipal  government  in 
Quebec,  67-8. 

Milet,  Father,  among  the 
Onondagas,  95. 

Mohawks,  25,  28;  Courcelle's 
expedition  against  them 
fails,  26-7;  abandon  their 
villages  on  the  advance  of 
expedition  under  Tracy  and 
Courcelle,  33-5  ;  their  sub- 
jection, 35-7. 

Montreal,  in  1665, 13-15 ;  Cour- 
celle's address  to  the  Indians 
at,  105. 

New  England,  proposes  to  join 
with  New  France  in  pro- 
hibiting brandy  traffic,  82. 

New  France,  state  of  before 
1665,  1-2,  4-5;  in  1665,  10 ; 
population  in  1665,  15;  an 
anomalous  situation  in,  20-1 ; 
census  of  1666-67,  23 ;  coloni- 
zation and  settlement  of,  48  ; 

revenue  of,  44-5;  beginning 
of  shipbuilding  in,  49-50 ; 
immigration  into,  54 ;  wives 
of  settlers  in,  54-5,  57-8,  59; 
colonists  encouraged  to  marry 
early,  55 ;  population  in  1668, 
60 ;  domestic  animals  in,  60- 
61 ;  administration  of  justice 
in,  62-4 ;  commercial  regula- 
tions in,  64-7;  agitation  in 
over  the  brandy  traffic,  77" 
84 ;  first  ball  in,  86 ;  state  of 
in  1668,  95-6 ;  war  with  Iro- 
cmois  threatened,  105;  her 
influence  in  North  America, 
120- 1 ;  in  1670,  123-4 ;  in 
1671, 126. 

Oneidas,  negotiate  peace  with 
Tracy,  25,  28 ;  ready  to  re- 
new the  war,  105. 

Onondagas,  negotiate  peace 
with  Tracy,  25. 

Ononthio,  origin  of  name,  115 

Outaouais,  their  relations  with 
the  Iroquois,  105,  109-10. 

Patoulet,  M., Talon's  secretary, 
his  letter  to  Colbert  on 
Talon's  non-arrival  in  New 
France,  107. 

Perrot,  Captain  Frangois  Marie, 
sails  with  Talon  for  New 
France,  192, 108. 

Perrot,  Nicolas,  interpreter 
with  Saint-  Lusson,  115. 

Quebec,  immigration  to,  5-6; 
size,  population,  and  build- 
ings in  1665,  10 ;  its  notable 
citizens  and  settlements  in 
1665,  11-12;  great  meeting 
with  the  Iroquois  at,  29; 



on  departure  of  expedition 
against  the  Mohawks,  30 ; 
thanksgiving1  services  at,  36  ; 
Talon's  coal-mine  at,  51-2 ; 
municipal  government  in,  67- 
68;  Courcelle  meets  Indians 
in  council  at,  no. 
Quebec  Seminary,  and  tithes, 
88 ;  and  the  r  renchification 
of  the  Indians,  91-2. 

Raffeix,  Father,  and  the  Iro- 
quois  expedition  of  punish- 
ment, 30. 

Raudot,  intendant,  issues  ordin- 
ance restraining  the  breeding 
of  horses,  61. 

Recollets,  friars  of  the  Fran- 
ciscan order,  with  Talon  on 
his  eventful  voyage  to  New 
France,  102-3,  108« 

Richelieu,  Cardinal,  and  New 
France,  i. 

Richelieu  river,  forts  con- 
structed on,  17-18. 

Robineau  de  Becancourt,  Rene 
and  Pierre,  overseers  of  roads, 

St  Charles  river,  shipbuilding 
at,  122. 

Saint-Lusson,  Simon  Frangois 
Daumont  de,  sent  by  Talon 
on  exploring  expeditions, 

Saint-Martin,  Sieur  de,  re- 
quested bj  Talon  to  teach 
mathematics,  126. 

Saint-Maurice,  forges  at,  124. 

Saint- Ours,  Captain  de,  settles 
in  New  France,  50,  128. 

Saint-Simon,  M.  de,  sent  by 
Talon  on  exploring  expedi- 
tion to  Hudson  Bay,  118-19. 

Salieres,  Colonel  de,  and  the 
Iroquois,  17. 

Sault  Sainte-Marie,  great  In- 
dian gathering  at,  115-16. 

Seigneurial  system,  and  Talon's 
policy  of  granting  conces- 
sions, 127-8. 

Senecas,  negotiate  peace  with 
Tracy,  25,  27;  Courcelle's 
expedition  against,  111-12. 

Sorel,  Captain  de,  and  the 
Iroquois,  17,  28-9;  settles  in 
New  France,  59,  128. 

Souart,  M.?  and  the  education 
of  Canadians,  94. 

Sovereign  Council,  composition 
and  powers  of,  4-5,  68 ;  coun- 
cillors of  in  1665,  15-17 ;  a 
tribunal  of  superior  juris- 
diction, 21,  74-5 ;  as  a  court 
of  appeal,  63;  and  trade 
regulations,  64-7;  fixes  the 
millers'  fee,  69  ;  opens  roads, 
69;  the  guardian  of  public 
morality  and  order,  70-1 ;  its 
ordinances  concerning  the 
importation  of  spirits  and  the 
establishment  of  breweries, 
71-3;  enactments  for  and 
against  the  brandy  traffic, 
77-84 ;  on  social  festivities  in 
Quebec,  87;  on  the  tithes 
question,  90-1 ;  fixes  the  price 
of  wheat,  104. 

Sulpicians,  £4;  and  the 
Frenchification  of  the  In- 
dians, 125. 

Talon,  Jean,  intendant  of  New 
France,  6;  his  family  and 
early  career,  7 ;  receives  his 
commission  and  instructions 
as  intendant  of  New  France, 
7-8 ;  his  letter  to  Colbert  on 



leaving  France,  8-9;  his 
duties,  18  ;  his  interest  in  the 
Hotel-Dieu,  19,  124-6 ;  seeks 
to  curtail  the  powers  of  the 
West  India  Company,  21-2, 
42-4,  45,  73-4;  erects  new 
settlement  at  Charlesbourg, 
22-3,  45-7;  takes  the  first 
Canadian  census  in  1666-67, 
23;  favours  punishing  the 
Mohawks,  29 ;  seeks  to  lay 
the  foundations  of  a  flourish- 
ing state  by  the  acquisition 
of  New  Netherlands,  38-9, 
40-1 ;  his  model  farm,  47 ; 
encourages  the  growing  of 
-hemp  and  develops  fisheries 
and  shipbuilding,  49-50,  122- 
123 ;  establishes  trade  with 
the  West  Indies,  50 ;  on  the 
coat-mine  at  Quebec,  51-2 ; 
erects  a  brewery,  53,  71-3 ; 
his  matrimonial  zeal,  54-6 ; 
on  the  number  of  baptisms 
and  female  immigration  in 
1671,  59  ;  a  colonial  Colbert, 
61 ;  on  the  administration  of 
justice,  62-4 ;  his  commercial 
regulations,  64-5 ;  his  interest 
in  road-making,  70,  117 ;  his 
relations  with  Courcelle, 
74-5,  Hi,  121 ;  on  his  judicial 
responsibility,  74-6 ;  his  posi- 
tion regarding  the  brandy 
traffic,  77-84 ;  seeks  to  check 
church  encroachment  on  the 
civil  power,  85-8;  on  the 
question  of  tithes,  88-90; 
his  interest  in  the  Frenchi- 
fication  of  the  Indians,  91-3 ; 
and  in  education,  92-3,  125-6; 
great  sorrow  in  New  France 
at  his  departure,  96-7;  uses 
his  influence  with  the  king 

on  behalf  of  New  France,  98- 
100  ;  again  appointed  inten- 
dant,  101-2;  sets  out  for 
New  France  and  is  ship- 
wrecked off  Lisbon,  102-3; 
concern  in  New  France  at 
his  non-arrival,  loo^jreaches 
Quebec,  108 ;  his  t  Jiemes  to 
protect  and  develop  trade  in 
the  interior,  iio-n ;  seeks  to 
extend  French  influence,  113, 
119;  encourages  exploration, 
116,  118,  120 ;  establishes 
trade  with  Acadia,  117-18 ; 
encourages  weaving  and 
tanning,  123-4 ;  a  maker  of 
Canada,  126,  129-30 ;  his 
health  failing,  begs  to  be 
relieved,  126-7 ;  his  seigneur- 
ial  policy,  127-8 ;  his  departure 
from  Canada  and  later  career 
in  France,  130. 

Three  Rivers,  in  1665,  12-13. 

Tithes,  controversy  anent,  88- 

Tracy,  Marquis  de,  arrives  in 
Quebec,  5-6,  18;  on  Sove- 
reign Council,  16-17,  65,  70, 
87,  88-90,  92  ;  makes  treaties 
with  the  Five  Nations,  25, 
27-8;  leads  expedition  of 
punishment  against  the  Mo- 
hawks, 29-37;  leaves  Canada, 

Ursulines,  n  ;  and  the  Frenchi- 
fication  of  the  Indians,  93-4, 

Varennes,  Gaultier  de,  settles 
in  New  France,  59,  128;  in 
expedition  against  the  Sene- 
cas,  112. 



Walker,  Sir  Richard,  gives  up 
keys  of  Fort  Pentagouet, 

West  India  Company,  the,  its 
privileges  and  powers,  19-21, 
54,  60 ;  its  aims,  22 ;  Talon's 
opposition  to,  38,  42-4;  Col- 

bert's defence  of,  42 ;  agita- 
tion against,  73-4 ;  end  of  its 
commercial  monopoly  in  New 
France,  100. 

West  Indies,  and  commercial 
relations  with  Canada,  50-1, 

Printed  by  T.  and  A.  Constable  Ltd.,  University  Press 
Edinburgh,  Scotland 


Edited  by  George  M.  Wrong  and  H.  H.  Langton 
of  the  University  of  Toronto 

A  series  of  thirty-two  freshly-written  narratives  for 
popular  reading,  designed  to  set  forth  in  historic  con- 
tinuity the  principal  events  and  movements  in  Canada 
to  the  outbreak  of  the  World  War. 


1.  The  Dawn  of  Canadian  History 

A  Chronicle  of  Aboriginal  Canada 


2.  The  Mariner  of  St  Malo 

A  Chronicle  of  the  Voyages  of  Jacques  Cartier 


3.  The  Founder  of  New  France 

A  Chronicle  of  Champlain 


4.  The  Jesuit  Missions 

A  Chronicle  of  the  Cross  in  the  Wilderness 


5.  The  Seigneurs  of  Old  Canada 

A  Chronicle  of  New- World  Feudalism 


6.  The  Great  Intendant 

A  Chronicle  of  Jean  Talon 


7.  The  Fighting  Governor 

A  Chronicle  of  Frontenac 


The  Chronicles  of  Canada 


8.  The  Great  Fortress 

A  Chronicle  of  Louisbourg 


9.  The  Acadian  Exiles 

A  Chronicle  of  the  Land  of  Evangeline 


10.  The  Passing  of  New  France 

A  Chronicle  of  Montcalm 


11.  The  Winning  of  Canada 

A  Chronicle  of  Wolfe 



12.  The  Father  of  British  Canada 

A  Chronicle  of  Carleton 


13.  The  United  Empire  Loyalists 

A  Chronicle  of  the  Great  Migration 


14.  The  War  with  the  United  States 

A  Chronicle  of  1812 



15.  The  War  Chief  of  the  Ottawds 

A  Chronicle  of  the  Pontiac  War 


1 6.  The  War  Chief  of  the  Six  Nations 

A  Chronicle  of  Joseph  Brant 


17.  Tecumseh 

A  Chronicle  of  the  last  Great  Leader  of  his  People 

The  Chronicles  of  Canada 


1 8.  The  'Adventurers  of  England '  on  Hudson 


A  Chronicle  of  the  Fur  Trade  in  the  North 

19.  Pathfinders  of  the  Great  Plains 

A  Chronicle  of  La  Verendrye  and  his  Sons 


20.  Adventurers  of  the  Far  North 

A  Chronicle  of  the  Arctic  Seas 


21.  The  Red  River  Colony 

A  Chronicle  of  the  Beginnings  of  Manitoba 


22.  Pioneers  of  the  Pacific  Coast 

A  Chronicle  of  Sea  Rovers  and  Fur  Hunters 

23.  The  Cariboo  Trail 

A  Chronicle  of  the  Gold-fields  of  British  Columbia 


24.  The  Family  Compact 

A  Chronicle  of  the  Rebellion  in  Upper  Canada 


25.  The  Patriotes  of  '37 

A  Chronicle  of  the  Rebellion  in  Lower  Canada 

26.  The  Tribune  of  Nova  Scotia 

A  Chronicle  of  Joseph  Howe 


27.  The  Winning  of  Popular  Government 

A  Chronicle  of  the  Union  of  1841 


The  Chronicles  of  Canada     . 


28.  The  Fathers  of  Confederation 

A  Chronicle  of  the  Birth  of  the  Dominion 


29.  The  Day  of  Sir  John  Macdonald 

A  Chronicle  of  the  First  Prime  Minister  of  the  Dominion 

30.  The  Day  of  Sir  Wilfrid  Laurier 

A  Chronicle  of  Our  Own  Times 



31.  All  Afloat 

A  Chronicle  of  Craft  and  Waterways 


32.  The  Railway  Builders 

A  Chronicle  of  Overland  Highways 


Published  by 

Glasgow,  Brook  &  Company